Letter from the Publisher

The record-breaking 2021 proxy season suggests that a major power shift is well under way. Investors clearly emphasized that boards report to shareholders and accurate information is required. We must stand together as investors to transform the current extractive economy into the emerging regenerative economy based on justice and sustainability. It not optional. It is a survival imperative.

Shareholder action is surging even as we grapple with new SEC restrictions, pandemic-induced market volatility, climate change impacts on every balance sheet, a polarized political landscape, the Russian war against Ukraine, and ever more interwoven global supply chains.

Investors have filed 100 more shareholder resolutions than last year at this time, breaking yet another record. The attempt to silence shareholder voices has, instead, prompted them to get louder. This uprising is occurring while investors and fiduciaries increasingly understand that systemic risk affects all players in the capital markets, inspiring leading companies onto the path of serving all stakeholders. ESG investing is booming because it promises less risk, but also brings with it the perils of greenwashing. We clearly need assurance systems for all disclosed material information that provide all market players with truly comparable data.

The zeitgeist of resolutions in 2022 involves transformation in three main areas: 1) Climate change affects each company and its supply chain, employees, and customers. Every company must cut emissions in half by 2030, and leading companies already are on the way. 2) Racial justice, gender equality, diversity, and equity are critical to every company needing to attract and retain the best and brightest. Companies are getting on the path by using clear metrics to quantify the problem and take action. 3) Polarized politics have made election spending riskier. In the past, companies bought both sides of the aisle. Now, with a deeply divided country and a nationwide set of stakeholders with clashing views, some are choosing to simply cut off the flow of money while others are challenged to explain incongruent corporate policies and political spending.

Responsible, sustainable corporate behavior is predicated on accurate, verified disclosure. Most shareholder proposals ask for information, so shareholders can understand how far their companies need to travel. Any issue that is “material” – what a reasonable investor requires to make investment decisions – is therefore “financial,” and related data should be third-party verified. Board audit committees need to step up efforts to oversee ESG disclosures, making sure reports are accurate and timely, so the full picture of investor risks and opportunities are revealed.

We are on the cusp of systemic economic transformation. Investors feel the momentum, and so do company executives. Shareholders are pressing forward with new tactics, tired of talk, and demanding action at a scale appropriate to the risk. Employees in corporate retirement plans who are trapped in target-date passive index funds are demanding sustainable options. After years of being tied to asset managers’ proxy voting policies, some investors can now use fractional shares to align their own voting and values. Finally, numerous tech startups are empowering retail shareholders to organize and wield their power.

Shareholders are organizing as never before to vote against boards that continue to use their wealth and privilege for epic destruction of the ecosystems upon which we all depend for survival. Shareholder democracy seems particularly critical this year given the attacks on civil society from authoritarians around the world. Companies that will not adopt and implement a climate transition plan; refuse to disclose and act on diversity, equity, and inclusion; oppose the eradication of systemic racism; continue to try and exert influence in politics; and will not implement the tenets of stakeholder capitalism will not win the loyalty of their customers and shareholders.

The message from shareholders to boards of directors is clear. Don’t be left behind. The inflection point is now. Become a leader, get on the path and thrive, or prepare to wind down.

 

Andrew Behar
CEO, As You Sow

Executive Summary

Proponents have filed 529 shareholder resolutions on environmental, social and related sustainable governance issues for the 2022 proxy season, up more than 20 percent from last year at this time. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) staff have allowed the omission of only 11 proposals so far in response to company challenges, but 103 challenges remain to be decided (up from 74 in late February 2021). Proponents have already withdrawn 106 resolutions, and 412 were slated for votes as of late February, although this number will drop. (Bar chart, right.)

Even though total filings are up dramatically, how many will go to votes remains uncertain for two key reasons. Last year’s unprecedented number of high votes, including 39 majorities, could prompt more agreements and thus withdrawals. Further, because the SEC in November rescinded interpretative guidance that boosted omissions during the Trump era, fewer proposals may be omitted.

This year heralds significant shifts in the topics proponents raise, with many more on climate change and racial justice. Corporate political influence resolutions also increasingly focus on the viewpoints that receive company-connected money for elections and lobbying. New topics abound about decent work, including pay and working conditions. But resolutions on general approaches to sustainable corporate governance have fallen dramatically, given advances in board diversity and ubiquitous sustainability disclosures from companies. (Pie chart, right.)

Regulatory shift: In addition to the SEC’s November 3 Staff Legal Bulletin 14L that rescinds three previous interpretive bulletins, SEC Chair Gary Gensler also has shifted course on proxy advisory firms. On November 17, the SEC proposed a new rule about the advisory firms that aims to address concerns that the controversial restrictions imposed in the Trump era might “impede and impair the timeliness and independence of proxy voting advice” and impose “undue litigation risks and compliance costs.”

Nonetheless, proponents this year are grappling with the impact of a new rule from September 2020 that makes it harder to file and resubmit shareholder resolutions. A lawsuit from the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, As You Sow and James McRitchie seeks to set aside the rule and a decision may come in late May. (Sidebars, p. 11.)

Overview and New Issues in 2022

This section provides a look at the key issues raised in each of the topics covered in this report, giving special attention to new developments and basing the analysis on what is requested in the resolved clauses of resolutions.

Environment

Climate change has jumped to the top of the proxy season agenda this year and is the biggest single topic. Climate-related concerns undergird a growing number of proposals that seek consistency between corporate policy and political influence, too. Resolutions about environmental management also implicitly address the climate, but so do new human rights resolutions about environmental justice. In all, there are 145 proposals about the environment, up substantially from 91 last year.

Climate change: The number of proposals specifically on climate change has nearly doubled to 110, up from 79 last year and well above this decade’s previous peak of 83 in 2018. An additional 20 proposals raise questions about climate-related political influence, plus two on board oversight. A striking change is the near-total focus on greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions targets, with most proposals asking for a transition to net-zero status by 2050. Only eight ask about deforestation and water.

Carbon asset risk—Sixty-eight of the 101 resolutions about carbon asset risk address emissions (up from 29 at this point last year). More than two dozen ask companies to set goals, with a new focus on all types of GHG emissions, including those that come directly from company operations (Scope 1), indirectly from energy purchases (Scope 2) or indirectly from other value chain activity—mainly from the use of products and services (Scope 3). The latter make up the bulk of most companies’ carbon footprints. The way opened for this return to specificity about emissions and goals timing when the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) rescinded three Staff Legal Bulletins from the Trump era last November. Many of the proposals are at companies that have never been asked before about climate change.

Proponents are starting from a position of strength established last year when average support for climate proposals topped 50 percent for the first time. Building on this momentum, the 2022 season began with a bang when Costco Wholesale investors gave 70 percent support for setting net-zero GHG goals.

At Williams-Sonoma, a new resolution raises concern about the company’s apparent reliance on carbon offsets to reach its net-zero goal, something that does not pass muster for those advocating for “science-based” targets. Methane emissions from up and down the natural gas value chain underscore the its heavy carbon impact, prompting withdrawals and early commitments for better accounting and reporting at Dominion Energy, Duke Energy and Southern.

An Icelandic investor raises an entirely new subject, the inordinately heavy carbon footprint of cryptocurrency—caused by its high energy demand for computation—in a resolution at Tesla, although it faces a challenge at the SEC.

Another new proposal asks insurers and banks to stop all financing and underwriting of fossil fuels; additional proposals also seek related reports. Also in the financial sector is another new angle, a request at credit ratings firms to extend the timeframe for considering the impact of physical risks. S&P Global agreed timing for ratings is a valid concern and made changes, prompting James McRitchie to withdraw. Another early win for proponents has occurred at Dominion Energy; the New York City Comptroller’s Office asked the utility to align its capital expenditures with its GHG emissions targets and the company agreed to do so.

Audits—A key concern for financial analysts and investors is whether information reported by companies is accurate and last year proponents started asking for formally audited climate reports, producing high votes of 47.8 percent at Chevron and 49.4 percent at ExxonMobil. This year, more such proposals have been filed at a total of nine banks, utilities and energy companies. The SEC’s new mandatory climate reporting rule, expected this spring, may address this issue for all public U.S. companies.

Strategy—Two new proposals seek to address expected social inequities as the world warms and economic disruption affects the most vulnerable. One at Chevron asks about financial and ecosystem risks and threats to indigenous peoples in the Arctic, while another asks Marathon Petroleum to explain its compliance with the Just Transition guidelines issued by the International Labour Organization, including impacts on workers and communities.

Environmental management: After gradually diminishing from a high of nearly 50 proposals 10 years ago, the number of environmental management proposals has risen again, to 35, with more likely.

Plastic—Most proposals are about plastic, asking companies to make less, use less and rethink one-time applications to address a growing crisis; the Pew Charitable Trusts estimates that plastic flows into oceans may triple by 2040, with many consequent ills for human and animal life. Last year, Green Century celebrated when Coca-Cola announced it would cut virgin plastics use by 3 million tons by 2025, but it is back with a request for more refillable containers.

Repair—The “right to repair” is raised in a new proposal still pending at Alphabet; the aim is to make it easier and cheaper for consumers to repair equipment and reduce waste. Microsoft announced last October it would allow independent repair of its products in response to an As You Sow proposal, and Green Century heralded Apple’s similar announcement early this year, which prompted it to withdraw its proposal.

Chemicals—New proposals about chemical footprints ask consumer goods companies to report; resolutions are pending at Bed Bath & Beyond, Burlington Stores and Dollar General.

Agriculture—Four proposals ask companies to consider their contributions to antimicrobial resistance, which last year persuaded Yum! Brands to issue a report. Four more, mostly at new recipients, ask about pesticide risks from the food supply chain. Yet another agricultural issue—farm animal welfare—is raised in a proposal from the Humane Society of the United States that contends Wendy’s is not doing enough to ensure hogs in its supply chain are well treated. A similar resolution will appear at McDonald’s. (Outside the scope of this report is a related effort by billionaire investor Carl Icahn to elect dissident directors at McDonald’s, including Leslie Samuelrich of Green Century, over concern about pigs suffering in the supply chain.)

Mining—Green Century wants a report from Chemours about the wisdom of acquiring a titanium mining project on the edge of the Okefenokee Swamp, in a new proposal seeking a report on financial and reputational risks.

Social Issues

Corporate political influence: The array of proposals asking companies how they oversee and spend in the political arena is shifting. While still primarily focused on governance and disclosure, they increasingly question which issues companyconnected money supports. Climate-related lobbying proposals are Exhibit A for this phenomenon, but many new variants this year request reports on how companies address other conflicts between stated policies and the aims of politicians they help elect, and the nature of their lobbying that occurs well after elections are over.

While companies routinely assert their spending is bipartisan, Si2’s research (noted in last year’s Proxy Preview) finds this is largely not accurate when it comes to expenditures at the state level, where spending closely tracks dominant parties; preferences also vary considerably at the national level. With the United States increasingly bifurcated into hostile political camps, companies face increasingly fraught challenges, which the Center for Political Accountability (CPA) has explicated in several recent reports. Evidence suggests most large companies are unlikely to sustain their initial pledges to cut off funding for members of Congress who voted to overturn the 2020 election. But the attack on the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, continues to resonate and it is abundantly clear that pressure will intensify about support for politicians, committees and groups who voice highly contested positions. Intense battles over abortion rights, LGBTQ protections, voting rights and a host of other contentious topics await any company that spends.

Filings and new angles—Two dozen proposals ask for CPA’s election oversight and disclosure approach, while 37 seek the same for generalized lobbying, plus the 20 noted above that focus on climate-related lobbying. Even more significant, though, are the 19 proposals that ask about inconsistencies between stated corporate values and the views held by recipients of company-connected money. In addition to reproductive rights (raised by Rhia Ventures and allies), the proposals ask about civil rights, healthcare access generally and environmental policy. A brand-new issue comes from Harrington Investments, which wants PepsiCo to report on spending outside the United States on elections, lobbying and philanthropy, given its concerns about food policy in Mexico, although PepsiCo has a pending SEC challenge.

Years of proposals at ExxonMobil culminated last year in two majority votes—64.2 percent in favor of a proposal sponsored by BNP Paribas Asset Management seeking more disclosure on climate lobbying and 56.1 percent in favor of the general lobbying proposal from the Teamsters. On February 18, 2022, the company released a new report that is in “direct response” to the Teamsters proposal and “a significant step in our ongoing efforts to improve transparency and build trust among our stakeholders. We believe this establishes a new standard in reporting.” It plans another report soon on climate lobbying. The extent to which other companies emulate Exxon is one of the key questions for this proxy season.

Decent work: Just over half of the 65 proposals about decent work address differential compensation and discriminatory pay gaps, while the rest ask for more disclosure about working conditions, including anti-bias policies, worker safety and benefits.

Executive pay differentials—James McRitchie poses a new resolution at 13 companies about employee stock ownership regarding CEO pay differentials, but also asks about such ownership by job category. He posits that companies and investors benefit from an “ownership culture,” and so far has reached six agreements. Faith-based groups have new resolutions about low wages at four retailers and restauranteurs, and The Shareholder Commons suggests companies should examine their short-term financial priorities and report on wage inequality.

Race/gender—As in the past, resolutions from Arjuna Capital and Proxy Impact seek median gender/racial pay data and seven of nine are at new recipients. Further, a resubmission from the Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration asks Walmart to report on pay and racial justice. (It earned 12.7 percent last year.)

Working conditions and benefits—New angles abound in the 31 proposals on working conditions. Eight ask about concealment clauses that can hide malfeasance, the first earned 50.4 percent on March 4 at Apple. The Teamsters want reports on worker misclassification in the supply chain, pointing to potential liability given a new California law about port workers that is fueling a unionization drive. The New York City Comptroller asks Amazon.com about differential injury rates for people of color and women, while other proponents want it to release an audit of worker health and safety. The AFL-CIO wants to see safety figures for replacement workers at ExxonMobil and an individual seeks stringent pandemic safety protocols at Walt Disney. Five companies also have paid sick leave proposals.

Nearly all the new resolutions face challenges at the SEC, which historically has been skeptical that such workplace issues transcend ordinary business. The November SEC Staff Legal Bulletin 14L suggests fewer proposals will be omitted on these grounds if they raise public policy issues, though, and the outcome of challenges to the decent work resolutions may show how far the Biden administration’s SEC will go.

Diversity in the workplace: Shareholder proponents responded last year to the Black Lives Matter movement by filing dozens of resolutions seeking more diversity data. They withdrew many after company commitments and that seems likely again. The number has dropped back from the 70 filed last year but is still high, with 48 resolutions filed.

The spotlight remains on disclosure. In 2021, the New York City Comptroller filed a slew of requests for EEO-1 data— a snapshot of employee information broken down by standard job categories, race, gender and ethnicity, and it has done so again in 2022. As You Sow and allies such as Nia Impact Capital and Whistle Stop Capital this year also are continuing to ask—at two dozen companies—for granular information on diversity and inclusion program performance. NYSCRF combines pay and diversity data disclosure in several categories in a new proposal at Electronic Arts, Monster Beverage and Take-Two Interactive Software, invoking data companies must provide under a new California reporting mandate.

Other proposals ask about diversity in the executive suite (withdrawn by Trillium Asset Management at Ormat Technologies) and racism in the workplace (pending at Intel and PayPal). The AFL-CIO has a new resolution asking Amazon.com about the pandemic’s impact on diversity, but it faces an SEC challenge. The company has received so many somewhat similar proposals that this, like others, may be winnowed out on the grounds they are duplicative.

Ethical finance: Two proposals on ethical finance are being challenged—one on tax compliance metrics at Amazon.com (referencing the Global Reporting Initiative standard articulated in 2019) and another on the ethics of canceling users’ access to the PayPal platform. Both face uncertain SEC outcomes.

Health: Shareholder proponents are reprising longstanding criticism about how pharmaceutical companies price their drugs and other treatments, focused on Covid-19 and fair access, but also on the perennial question of high prices. In addition, another set of proposals seeks disclosure about public health, including most prominently reproductive health access for employees given growing U.S. restrictions on abortion, and tobacco. Rhia Ventures is coordinating the reproductive health proposals, in additional to those noted above about corporate influence spending. In all, just five of 24 proposals filed are resubmissions that went to votes last year.

New angles—Oxfam America has a new resolution at Moderna and Pfizer about sharing intellectual property and technical knowledge to expand access to Covid-19 vaccines and treatments in low- and middle-income countries, where the coronavirus pandemic continues to hit hard and both vaccines and treatments remain scarce. The Shareholder Commons suggests the public health costs of not sharing know-how will negatively affect long-term investors and wants a report at Johnson & Johnson and Pfizer. Both these proposals have survived SEC challenges. In addition, members of the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility newly ask five drug companies to report on the risks of monopolistic behavior, what they call “anti-competitive practices.” There are new angles about food, public health and financial priorities at Coca-Cola, CVS Health and PepsiCo, too, but all the companies have lodged SEC challenges.

Human rights: One reason for the surge in filings this year is the 40 percent increase in those about racial justice; additional resolutions also reprise longstanding questions about corporate policies and disclosure on human rights at home and abroad.

Racism—The proponents highlight systemic racism and company connections to it, pointing to new commitments but also deep underrepresentation for people of color in upper-level jobs and continued problematic behavior. They argue addressing racism creates both profit and justice. Proposals name specific stakeholder groups to consult and all seek external expertise and advice. All but six of the 2022 proposals are at new recipients. Last year, most of the racial justice proposals went to financial firms the proponents considered systemically important, but the campaign has branched out to encompass retailers, food purveyors, healthcare companies, industrial and materials firms, the tech sector and utilities. The proposals come from a mix of proponents, coordinated in large part by the labor-affiliated SOC Investment Group (formerly CtW).

Five new proposals discuss “environmental justice,” seeking risk and impact reports from 3M, American Water Works, Chemours, Chevron, Honeywell International and Kinder Morgan. Another asks Citigroup and Wells Fargo for an evaluation of their policies on Indigenous peoples and project financing. Parnassus Investments want a report from Cerner on how its algorithms may slant healthcare delivery, while Arjuna Capital is trying again to question providing insurance to police involved in racist acts, at Travelers (it was omitted last year at Chubb).

Risks and reporting—Only 15 resolutions voice longstanding requests for assessments of human rights policies and risks, but there are a couple of new angles. China’s oppression of the Uyghur people is at issue in several proposals, with two votes at Apple on March 4 of about 34 percent; other proposals also ask about business connections with hotspots around the world. A new resolution at Hershey is about child laborers and cocoa in West Africa. Domini Social Investments seeks a report on pandemic safety protections for farmworkers in the Kroger supply chain. Finally, the Canadian Shareholder Association for Education and Research (SHARE) asks Amazon.com about respecting labor rights. Otherwise, proponents raise persistent concerns at weapons makers and tech firms.

Media—All the major social media platform companies face resubmitted proposals about surveillance, censorship and content management. SHARE and Trillium Asset Management each have new questions about Alphabet’s plan to revamp its Search function, and its algorithms, and face SEC challenges. Meta Platforms has a resubmitted proposal by Proxy Impact about online child sexual exploitation on the Facebook, Messenger and Instagram platforms, while Arjuna Capital wants both a report and a shareholder advisory vote on the company’s “metaverse” concept.

Weapons—A resubmitted proposal asks PNC Financial about financing nuclear weapons (it earned 7.9 percent last year), while a new proposal from the Rhode Island Pension Fund is focused on Mastercard’s payment system that may be used for selling untraceable “ghost guns,” in a new proposal that faces a challenge at the SEC.

Sustainable Governance

Proposals seeking generalized reports on sustainability and specific policies on board diversity are drying up as companies act on both fronts. This year, 19 proposals ask about board composition (mostly diversity), eight seek specific types of board oversight (including one on climate change pending at Texas Instruments), and 14 more raise broad concerns about corporate governance arrangements and reporting to investors. But the total number of proposals filed on these topics has dropped to 34, down from 78 last year and a high of 112 in 2019.

What’s not happening is notable—just three resolutions seek sustainability reports (only one is still pending) and only one asks for reincorporation as a social purpose company (it has earned 3.1 percent at Apple). Last year’s “public benefit” corporation proposals earned scant support, so the organizer for that effort, The Shareholder Commons, is taking a different approach, emphasizing various forms of systemic investment risks.

Furthermore, recent developments in financial regulation and investor practice show how well accepted the idea of board diversity has become. Both the leading U.S. proxy advisory firms recommend against electing directors when board diversity is lacking, a new mandate on including at least one woman on the board in California is law (despite a court challenge), and last August the Nasdaq exchange attained approval from the SEC for its new rule that requires its listed companies to have at least two diverse directors or explain why they do not, with reporting in the matrix format long espoused by shareholder proponents. Still, while women now are gaining ground on corporate boards, most big companies are far away from reflecting the increasing ethnic and racial diversity of the United States.

New angles—The Shareholder Commons has new resolutions at four companies about how investment stewardship and social media firm financial priorities affect society, capital markets and long-term investment return. Finally, As You Sow faces a challenge to its new request at Amazon.com and Comcast for low-carbon employee retirement plan options.

Conservatives

The field of proposals from politically conservative groups, chief among them the National Center for Public Policy Research (NCPPR), continues to focus heavily on social policy. It is joined this year by the National Legal and Policy Center (NLPC). Resolutions from these and similarly minded proponents seek action that is the mirror image of what all the other proposals request, aside from doing business in China.

At least 27 proposals have been filed thus far, evenly split between diversity (nine), corporate political influence and charitable giving (nine) and human rights (eight), with one about the risks of reincorporation as a public benefit corporation omitted.

New angles—NCPPR wants at least five companies to report on their employee training curriculum, arguing that diversity training disadvantages White people. After failing to make it past the SEC for a few years, the NLPC also has hit upon language that the commission finds acceptable; it wants detailed semi-annual reports on any charitable contributions of $1,000 or more. Costco Wholesale investors gave the idea 3.2 percent support in January and it is pending at three more companies.

NCPPR has copied verbatim the resolved clause of the election spending values congruency proposal submitted last year by Tara Health at Pfizer and sent it in early—while advocating against the causes Tara supports, chief among them reproductive health rights. The company has told the NCPPR resolution pre-empts the one from Tara and this argument could prevail.

Using the same copycat approach, NCPPR has a new resolution very similar to the racial justice audit proposals, but outside the resolved clauses warns of excessively “woke” corporate behavior, reiterating the view stated in the training resolutions that White people face discrimination and corporate America lacks sufficient representation from ideological conservatives. The proposal faces SEC challenges from three more companies, but may pre-empt the ICCR-sponsored proposal at Johnson & Johnson.

Proposal Trends

The charts below illustrate long-term trends for proposal filings. The first shows the dominance of political influence and climate change, a recent rise for human rights, growth for decent work and workplace diversity, and a drop-off in board oversight and diversity, as well as a decline for overarching sustainability proposals.

The second illustrates shifts in the types of shareholder proponents who are lead filers of proposals. (Because many faith-based investors of the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility co-file with other proponents and may not be lead filers, the chart undercounts their participation.)

Changes in the Proxy Voting Context

Important changes are afoot from regulators, in the courts and in the mix of proxy season players, which affect shareholder proposals. As explained below by Sanford Lewis of the Shareholder Rights Group, SEC Chair Gary Gensler in November rescinded three earlier interpretative bulletins and has reset the regulatory clock for proponents and companies. A legal challenge to rules for filing and resubmitting shareholder resolutions is being considered by a U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C., with a hearing is schedule for late May; Josh Zinner of the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility (ICCR), one of the plaintiffs, explains the case. The SEC has acted on another front, and in November adopted a final rule about contested elections to boards of directors that will make it easier to vote, as Ron Berenblat of Olshan Frome Wolosky explains. Finally, Antoine Argouges of the new U.K. firm, Tulipshare, discusses the promise of more retail investor voting on shareholder resolutions.


2022 PROXY LEGAL OVERVIEW: ESG PROPOSALS IN ASCENDANCE


SANFORD LEWIS

Director, Shareholder Rights Group

The 2022 proxy season reflects the ascendance of support for ESG shareholder proposals, along with policy changes at the SEC that both support and undermine these proposals.

The controversial 2020 amendments to the shareholder proposal rule have become legally effective with the 2022 proxy season. Pending litigation by the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, As You Sow, and James McRitchie seeks to overturn those amendments. The court case could potentially be decided in time to affect the current proxy season. The requirements of that rulemaking, which steeply increased thresholds required to file or resubmit proposals, have thwarted some proposals that would have been filed in the current season.


LAWSUIT CHALLENGES SEC’S RESTRICTIVE SHAREHOLDER PROPOSAL RULES


JOSH ZINNER

CEO, Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility

In September 2020, the SEC under Chairman Jay Clayton issued amendments to Rule 14a-8 that substantially restrict shareholders’ access to the corporate proxy statement. The Clayton SEC’s actions came in the context of years of lobbying by major trade associations like the Business Roundtable, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and the National Association of Manufacturers to limit shareholders’ ability to effectively engage with the companies they own on critical environmental, social, and governance issues.


NEW UNIVERSAL PROXY RULE WILL DEMOCRATIZE DIRECTOR ELECTIONS


RON S. BERENBLAT

Partner, Olshan Frome Wolosky LLP

In November 2021, the SEC adopted final rules that will require parties in a contested corporate director election to use universal proxy cards for shareholder meetings held after August 31, 2022. Under the new rules, both the company and any shareholder seeking to elect a slate of director candidates at a shareholder meeting will be required to use proxy cards that include the names of all director nominees presented for election at the meeting. This will give shareholders the ability to vote by proxy for their preferred mix of company and dissident nominees, the same way they can if voting in person at the meeting.


THE PROMISE OF RETAIL SHAREHOLDER POWER


ANTOINE ARGOUGES
Founder and CEO, Tulipshare

Voting is integral to the democratic process. During the 2020 U.S. Presidential election, it felt as though you could hardly go a day without hearing a celebrity or politician urging the public to vote.

Yet, shareholder democracy and proxy voting is a relatively unexamined facet of investing for the average individual investor, not to mention there has yet to be a big celebrity endorsement urging shareholders to vote their proxies. This feels like an oversight when you consider the power the corporate world has. Fortunately, educating investors about their shareholder rights is becoming a hot topic.


The 2022 Proxy Season

This section of the report presents information on the 529 shareholder proposals investors have filed so far for the 2022 proxy season, up from 435 at this point in 2021. Additional proposals for spring votes will show up as the season progresses and more are likely to be filed for meetings that occur after June. A total of 23 proposals are included in the aggregate totals but not described in detail since they have yet to be made public by the proponents. As noted in the executive summary, new rules about filing and resubmitting proposals have kicked in but may be overturned by a lawsuit from proponents; a hearing is now scheduled for late May, too late to have any impact on the spring proxy season. The SEC also has rescinded interpretive guidance from the Trump era which means fewer resolutions may be omitted. Further, the SEC has proposed a new rule for proxy advisory firms put in place under the former administration; it was unpopular with investors.

Structure of the report: Information is presented in three main areas—Environment; Social and Sustainable Governance. A separate section covers Conservatives. We note how many proposals have been filed in each category, which are now pending, how many have been withdrawn for tactical or substantive reasons after negotiated agreements with companies, and the disposition of challenges to the proposals at the SEC under its shareholder proposal rule. Rule 14a-8 of the 1934 Securities and Exchange Act allows companies to omit proposals from their proxy statements if they fall into certain categories such as dealing with mundane, “ordinary business” issues. Analysis in this report focuses on the resolved clauses and how these compare to previous proposals, as well as previous support for resubmitted resolutions and new developments. We pay close attention to the SEC’s interpretations of the omission rules, considering guidance documents released by the commission’s Division of Corporation Finance.

Key information—Within each section, tables present key data: each company, the resolution, the primary sponsor and the projected month of the annual meeting. Investors will know the actual dates when companies issue their proxy statements, about six weeks or more before their annual meetings. The status column also indicates if a proposal has been omitted or withdrawn. To vote on proposals, investors must own the stock as of the “record date” set by the company, about eight weeks before the meeting; the precise data is noted in each proxy statement.

Environmental Issues

Burgeoning support for climate change shareholder proposals in 2021 and clear evidence about how the warming climate poses material risks to companies seems to have inspired a raft of new resolutions in 2022 to reach 110, the most in 10 years and up from 79 last year. Proposals about a wide variety of environmental management issues also rose to 35, up from 31 in 2021.

(The Corporate Political Influence section, p. 39, discusses the climate lobbying proposals. Sustainable Governance, p. 78, covers board oversight of climate change and suggestions for offering low-carbon employee retirement plan investment options (a new issue).)

Climate Change

The 2021 proxy season marked the first time that average support for climate change resolutions surpassed 50 percent. The drumbeat for corporate action and disclosure is powered by mainstream investor concerns about impending financial risks, more evident each year with extreme weather and supply chain disruptions. Almost all the 2022 proposals ask about greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions goals and they are more specific than in recent years given a shift at the SEC. Also, proposals asking about climate-related public policy activities have nearly doubled.

As of mid-February, 101 proposals ask about carbon asset risk issues, including emissions, another eight are about deforestation and water; in addition, climate lobbying proposals have risen from 13 last year to at least 20. This year also is notable for the number of companies facing climate change resolutions for the first time.

It is too early to see the impacts last year’s surging support will have on the 2022 season. But last May’s unprecedented proxy fight at ExxonMobil, fueled by investors dissatisfied with its climate change stance, may have shifted engagement dynamics, and more withdrawals this year seem possible.

President Biden continues to take a very different approach to environmental protection than his predecessor. But his major climate-related initiatives included in the larger Build Back Better infrastructure bill are blocked, although some action still seems possible since the legislation is being deconstructed into smaller initiatives and holds the potential for substantially resetting the regulatory context for U.S. companies and investors.

Proponents: The Ceres coalition coordinates most climate change proposals, through its Investor Network on Climate Risk (INCR) and a broad coalition of investors, including many from the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility (ICCR), the New York City and State pension funds, other state pension funds around the country, plus responsible investment firms and some individuals. Many support Climate Action 100+, a global initiative focused on more than 100 corporate carbon emitters that account for two-thirds of global industrial emissions and several dozen more companies the network says will be key to a “clean energy transition.” Climate Action 100+ is now backed by 617 institutional investors with assets of more than $65 trillion.

Carbon Asset Risk

While 2021 saw more generalized requests seeking company plans to reconfigure businesses to cut carbon footprints in line with the Paris climate accord, this year specificity is back in spades. More proposals ask about indirect “Scope 3” emissions from supply chains and products, and more seek net-zero emissions goals and reports. In November 2021, when the SEC rescinded three Trump-era Staff Legal Bulletins that had constrained the types of proposals shareholders could file, it set the stage for this year’s more precise requests.

Adopting Emissions Goals

Adopt net-zero goals: The biggest group of resolutions asks companies to set net-zero climate emissions targets. All ask that goals apply to the “full value chain,” with a few variations. Only one of 16 companies (UPS) has recently received such a proposal and proponents have withdrawn four so far (table, above).

  • Specified terms for scienced-based targets—Proponents are taking advantage of their new freedom from earlier SEC restrictions and are proposing that eight companies—Builders FirstSource, Costco Wholesale, Darling Ingredients, J.B. Hunt Transport Services, Lowe’s, TJX, Timken and US Foods Holding—adopt:

short, medium, and long-term science- based greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets, inclusive of emissions from its full value chain, in order to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050 or sooner and to effectuate appropriate emissions reductions prior to 2030.

  • Independent verification—A resolution from Trillium Asset Management is pending at five companies— SBA Communications, BJ’s Restaurants, BJ’s Wholesale Club, Middleby and UPS—seeking:

independently verified short, medium, and long-term science-based greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets, inclusive of emissions from its full value chain, in order to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050 or sooner and to attain appropriate emissions reductions prior to 2030, in line with the Paris Agreement's goal of maintaining global temperature rise at 1.5 degrees Celsius.

A similar proposal at UPS earned 36.7 percent last year and 29.6 percent in 2020, but all the other recipients are new.

  • Transition to net-zero—The Nathan Cummings Foundation has withdrawn a request at Air Products & Chemicals to “address the risks and opportunities presented by climate change and the global transition toward net zero emissions by setting emission reduction targets covering the Company's full value chain (Scope 1, 2 and 3) GHG emissions.”

At Kroger, Mercy Investments swaps out “near-term and long-term science-based” targets, with the rest identical to the Air Products language.

An early majority: Investors started out the year with a big majority of 70 percent at Costco.

Withdrawals: Trillium Asset Management withdrew at J.B. Hunt but also was facing a procedural challenge at the SEC (earlier, a request for reporting on a Paris-compliant emissions plan earned 54.5 percent at the company in 2020). Mercy Investments withdrew when Lowe’s agreed to set science-based GHG targets. The other withdrawals also came after agreements at Air Products and Darling Ingredients.


NET ZERO ASSET MANAGERS INITIATIVE: TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY ON CLIMATE

BENEDICT BUCKLEY
CFA, ClearBridge Investments

In July 2021, ClearBridge Investments announced it had joined the industry-leading Net Zero Asset Managers Initiative (NZAM), an international group of asset managers committed to supporting the goal of achieving net-zero greenhouse gas emissions globally by 2050. We are proud to be part of a community of over 200 asset management peers, representing over $50 trillion, in this commitment.


Long-range targets: Four energy companies (Chevron, ConocoPhillips, ExxonMobil and Marathon Petroleum) have requests from the Dutch collaborative Follow This that go beyond short-term aims, asking each

to set and publish medium- and long-term targets to reduce the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions of the Company's operations and energy products (Scope 1, 2, and 3) consistent with the goal of the Paris Climate Agreement: to limit global warming to well below 2 degrees C above pre-industrial levels and to pursue reports to limit the temperature increase to 1.5 degrees C.

At Marathon Petroleum, the reference to the Paris treaty is not included, while at ConocoPhillips it asks for short-term targets as well as medium- and longterm goals.

Most of these companies have received dozens of proposals on climate change over the years. In 2021, Follow This saw two majority votes for a similar proposal, earning 60.7 percent at Chevron and 59.3 percent at ConocoPhillips. At Exxon, though, the Follow This resolution in 2021 was omitted on procedural grounds and other recent proposals only have asked about disclosing goals, not setting them; in 2021, the California Public Employees’ Retirement System (CalPERS) withdrew an Exxon resolution seeking a report on its full carbon footprint including Scope 3 emissions, after it produced the assessment. In contrast, Marathon Petroleum has never received a climate-related resolution.

A more expansive proposal at Occidental Petroleum and Phillips 66 asks each to:

set and publish targets that are consistent with the goal of the Paris Climate Agreement: to limit global warming to well below 2 degrees C above preindustrial levels and to pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5 degrees C.

These quantitative targets should cover the short-, medium-, and long-term greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions of the company's operations and the use of its energy products (Scope 1, 2, and 3).

Shareholders request that the company report on the strategy and underlying policies for reaching these targets and on the progress made, at least on an annual basis...

A similar proposal in 2021 from the same proponent at Phillips 66 earned 80.3 percent last year. An additional goal-setting proposal is pending at Norwegian Cruise Lines, but the text is not yet available.

Withdrawal— Clean Yield filed the energy company proposal at Tractor Supply, seeking goals for the “full range of operational and product related emissions,” and withdrew after a commitment.

SEC challenge—Occidental is arguing its report at the end of January about GHG targets makes the resolution moot. Earlier, Follow This withdrew a 2021 request at Occidental to set goals for Scope 3 emissions after a commitment, while a proposal seeking a 2-degree scenario report earned early notable support of 67.3 percent in 2017, when such high votes were uncommon.

Scope 3 methane emissions at utilities: As You Sow and the individual David Backer both are concerned about methane emissions from natural gas. Methane is the second most potent greenhouse gas and has a global warming potential more than 80 times the warming power of CO2 over the first 20 years. At DTE, Duke Energy, Dominion Energy and Southern, the request is for each to

revise its net zero by 2050 target, and any relevant interim targets, to integrate Scope 3, upstream and downstream, value chain emissions consistent with guidelines such as the [Climate Action 100+] and [Science-based Targets Initiative], or publish an explanation of why the Company does not include these emissions.

Backer’s proposal at Dominion is similar, asking for the inclusion of “medium-term targets covering the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions of the Company’s energy products (Scope 3) on their pathway to their long-term target, which is net-zero emissions before 2050.”


SCOPE 3 CLIMATE IMPACTS MISSING FROM UTILITY NET ZERO TARGETS

DANIEL STEWART
Energy and Climate Program Manager, As You Sow

FRANK SHERMAN
Executive Director, Seventh Generation Interfaith Coalition for Responsible Investment

Most utility companies are not including Scope 3 emissions from the corporate value chain in their net zero climate targets. Yet, emissions from customers’ use of natural gas for heat and other applications, purchased power emissions, and methane leakage from the production and distribution of natural gas can amount to as much as half of a utility’s total emissions.


No proposals on climate change have gone to votes at these companies since 2017, when investors gave 47.8 percent support to a request asking Dominion to analyze how it will adjust operations to a lower-carbon future that keeps warming below 2 degrees Celsius.

Withdrawals—As You Sow has withdrawn after reaching agreements with Dominion Energy, Duke Energy and Southern. Dominion will add to its goals the emissions associated with upstream fuel consumed by its power and gas distribution businesses. Duke will add to its net-zero-by-2050 reduction target the upstream methane leakage from natural gas production, customer’ usage emissions and purchased power. Southern will improve GHG disclosures by disclosing its upstream Scope 3 natural gas emissions to CDP in 2022 and discuss calculation methods and disclosures with the UN Oil & Gas Methane Partnership.

Reporting on Emissions Goals

Paris-compliant plans: Proponents have filed the largest group of goals disclosure proposals this year at a mixed array of 15 companies (table, p. 18), with As You Sow the lead filer at nine. Proponents generally specify that the reports should encompass all operations, including supply chains.

  • Annual 1.5-degree limit report, all times frames and scopes—At six companies—Antero Resources, Amedisys, Eastman Chemical, IDACORP, Macy’s, O’Reilly Automotive and Standard Motor Products—the proposal asks for

a report within a year, and annually thereafter…that discloses short, medium, and long term GHG gas reduction targets aligned with the Paris Agreement’s goal of maintaining global temperature rise at 1.5 degrees Celsius, and progress made in achieving them. Reporting should cover the company's full range of operational and product related emissions. [The last sentence is left off at Amedisys.]


CLIMATE TARGETS - THE LATEST TREND IN CORPORATE GREENWASHING


AMY GALLAND, PHD MBA
Founder and Principal, Empower Venture Partners

Each year, investors express more interest in company action to combat climate change. In response, companies make highly publicized statements that they are aligned with the Paris Accord or have a net-zero commitment to persuade investors, the SEC, and customers that their corporate practices are in line with keeping global temperature rise below 1.5°C.


Withdrawals: NYSCRF reached an agreement and withdrew at Eastman Chemical. As You Sow also has withdrawn at O’Reilly Automotive because it agreed to announce an ambition to achieve net zero emissions and to set interim greenhouse gas reduction targets to maintain global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius.

SEC challenge: IDACORP has lodged an SEC challenge, arguing it has already implemented the proposal. (Climate change has not been raised in a resolution at the company since 2009, when a request to adopt quantitative GHG goals and report received 51 percent – making it the first climate resolution to receive a majority vote.)

  • “How”—At Allegheny Technologies and UnitedHealth Group, the report should simply cover “how the Company intends to reduce its operational and supply chain GHG emissions in alignment with the Paris Agreement’s 1.5-degree goal.” It is pending at UnitedHealth but As You Sow withdrew for procedural reasons at Allegheny.

  • Interim and long-term Paris targets—At five more companies—American Water Works, Caterpillar, Helios Technologies, Skechers U.S.A. and Zillow Group—the report should go beyond short-term aims and be issued

within a year, and annually thereafter…disclosing medium- and long-term greenhouse gas targets aligned with the Paris Agreement's goal of maintaining global temperature rise at 1.5 degrees Celsius, and progress made in achieving them. This reporting should cover the Company’s full scope of operational and product related emissions.

Withdrawal: As You Sow has withdrawn at Zillow because it will establish a goal for net zero emissions by 2050 or sooner and set interim emissions reduction targets aligned with 1.5 degrees warming.

  • Capital allocation—Getting to the heart of how companies plan their operations, the Kraft Heinz resolution from Domini Social Investments is more specific and seeks annual reports

on its climate transition plan to align its operations and value chain with the Paris Agreement's ambition of limiting global temperature increase to 1.5 degrees C, including short- medium- and long-term science-based greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets for Kraft Heinz's full carbon footprint (scope 1, 2, and 3), and how capital allocation plans align with the climate transition plans, where relevant.

Report on net-zero GHG goals: Another group of resolutions from As You Sow specially mentions “net-zero”:

  • At Cheesecake Factory, Foot Locker and Monster Beverage the resolution asks “how the Company intends to reduce its operational and supply chain GHG emissions in alignment with the Paris Agreement's 1.5 degree goal requiring net zero emissions by 2050.”

Withdrawal: As You Sow withdrew at Foot Locker because it agreed to set a net-zero-by-2050 goals, plus interim GHG targets aligned with the Science-Based Targets initiative.

  • “If and how”—The proposal is less specific (as was more common last year) at Dollar Tree and HCA Healthcare. At Dollar Tree it asks for the inclusion of “relevant Scope 3 emissions,” following last year’s vote of 73.5 percent for a report on a “Paris-compliant” plan. At HCA, it asks “if and how” HCA “intends to reduce its enterprise-wide operational and supply chain GHG emissions in alignment with the Paris Agreement's 1.5-degree goal requiring net zero emissions by 2050.”

Near and long-term goals: Proponents have withdrawn two of three more reporting proposals:

  • The Franciscan Sister of Perpetual Adoration asked Post Holdings to report by June and annually thereafter “outlining if and how it could increase the scale, pace, and rigor of its efforts to reduce its total contribution to climate change, covering the greenhouse gas emissions of the Company's operations as well as its supply chain (scope 1, 2, and 3).” The withdrawal came after discussions with the company, which also had argued at the SEC that the resolution was moot given its disclosures.

  • The New Jersey Division of Investment also withdrew at Dollar General, having asked it for annual reports on its emissions and with short-, medium- and long-term reduction goals to reduce Scopes 1 and 2 and progress achieved. Ceres reports an agreement, but the resolution also was filed late and vulnerable to exclusion after a company challenge at the SEC.

Still pending, however, is a proposal to Valero Energy seeking disclosure of “near- and long-term GHG gas reduction targets” aligned with the 1.5-degree goal, “and a plan to achieve them,” covering “the full range of operational and supply chain emissions.” In 2018, Mercy Investments withdrew a request for a climate strategy plan here after the company agreed to provide it, following votes of about 39 percent in 2015 and 2014 on proposals seeking adoption of GHG targets.


CARBON OFFSETS ARE NOT EMISSIONS REDUCTIONS


ALISON LAFRANCE
Climate Fellow, As You Sow

As more companies announce net-zero emissions by 2050 commitments, many are relying on carbon offsets to achieve these targets, rather than decarbonizing their own operations and value chain. This business-as-usual approach risks continuation of unabated carbon pollution from the extraction and combustion of fossil fuels.


Offsets: As You Sow raises a concern about how robust emissions reduction goals are at Williams-Sonoma given the company’s apparent reliance on carbon offsets to achieve its net-zero aims. The proposal, which is new, asks for a report, “disclosing additional information on its use of carbon credits, including type of credits, verification, timing, and whether carbon credits are intended to substitute for emissions reductions beyond current goals.”

Methane

Scope 3 emissions reporting at utilities: Bookending the proposals noted above about setting goals to cut methane emissions, two ICCR members asked for reports from utilities but have withdrawn after agreements. At CMS Energy and MGE Energy, the Sisters of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin Mary and the Sinsinawa Dominicans sought an annual report from each company:

that discloses how the company will reduce all material categories of scope 3 greenhouse gas emissions, related to emissions upstream and downstream, aligned with the goals of the Paris Agreement of limiting global warming to wellbelow 2 degrees C with the ambition to limit to 1.5 degrees C. The report should include short-, medium- and long-term targets and strategies on how to achieve them.

MGE agreed to analyze its Scope 3 GHG emissions, including those from up- and downstream gas distribution, and to set a Scope 3 emissions reduction goal by the first quarter of 2023.

Liquid natural gas: Individual proponent Stewart Taggart has returned to Cheniere Energy and wants more information about planned expenditures related to natural gas. Similar requests from Taggart were omitted for procedural flaws in 2021 and received 28.1 percent in 2020. This year, he wants a report

discussing price, amortization and obsolescence risk to existing and planned Liquid Natural Gas capital investments posed by carbon emissions reductions of 50% or higher by 2030 (in line with the Paris Accord's 2C target) applied to Cheniere's Scope Two and Scope Three emissions as well as impact 2050 ‘net zero’ emissions targets—also called for in the Paris Accord.

Individual proponent Freeda Cathcart seeks a report from Dominion Energy “describing how it is responding to the risk of stranded assets of planned natural gas-based infrastructure and assets as the global response to climate change intensifies.” The company has lodged an SEC challenge that argues its reporting makes the proposal moot and this approach blocked a vote on a similar resolution in 2020.

Metrics: Mercy Investments and the Unitarian Universalists seek more information on measuring releases from Antero Resources, Chevron and Range Resources, requesting a report that will:

  • summarize the outcome of any efforts to directly measure methane emissions by the Company;

  • provide investors with insight as to whether there is likely to be a material difference between direct measurement results and the Company’s published estimates of methane emissions;

  • assess the degree to which any differences would alter estimates of the Company’s Scope 1 emissions.

Investors have given strong support to methane proposals in the past at Chevron (45 percent in 2018) and Range Resources (50.3 percent, also in 2018), but this is the first such resolution at Antero.

The Minnesota State Board of Investments reached a commitment and withdrew a less specific at Marathon Oil, asking for a report “on if, and how” the company “will curtail its impact on climate change from routine flaring and venting, beyond existing efforts, including any new short, medium or long-term targets.”

Refrigerants and Cryptocurrency

Hydrofluorocarbons: The Rhode Island pension fund last year earned 5.5 percent for a report on releases of hydrofluorocarbons, potent greenhouse gases, from the company’s refrigerators. This year, Friends Fiduciary is addressing the issue at another big multiline retailer, Kroger. It is more specific than last year’s resolution and asks for a report

describing how it can adopt strategies above and beyond legal compliance to curtail the predominant source of its operational (Scope 1) GHG emissions, by deploying the best available technological options for eliminating the use of hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs) in refrigeration. The report should describe the extent to which the Company will act consistent with the Consumer Goods Forum commitments on ultralow GWP refrigerants, including any related capital spending commitments, or explain why the Company is not acting consistent with those commitments.

Cryptocurrency: In a brand-new proposal that seeks to address the heavy carbon footprint of cryptocurrency, Karen Ros Robertsdottir of Iceland wants Tesla to stop using it, requesting:

that the company adopt a policy of immediate (within five business days) liquidation of newly-acquired cryptocurrency assets, and fully divest from existing cryptocurrency assets (including mining hardware) within one year.

If the company continues to accept payments of high-impact cryptocurrencies (eg., with a per-transaction energy or e-waste footprint more than 10x of Visa’s), it should minimize their environmental impact (such as Level 2 processing).

While cryptocurrencies such as bitcoin require large amounts of energy for computation, Level 2 processing requires less data and less energy. Climate 360, a collaborative project from several U.S. universities, noted last August that bitcoin uses about the same amount of energy annually as Sweden.

Financing Climate Change

Investors’ focus increasingly has turned to the financial institutions that help to underwrite and finance the expensive, long-term capital investments that sustain companies’ current reliance on fossil fuels. In 2022, several new types of proposals have been filed and companies have challenged most of them at the SEC. A key industry initiative that sets out how financial firms can approach carbon financing is the Partnership for Carbon Accounting Financials, representing companies that have invested more than $3.8 trillion in the fossil fuel sector since the Paris climate treaty.

End underwriting and financing: The Presbyterian Church (USA), Trillium Asset Management, Green Century and Harrington Investments are asking four insurers and five banks to cut off support:

  • Insurers—At American International Group, Chubb, Hartford Financial Services Group and Travelers, the request is to “adopt and disclose new policies to help ensure that its underwriting practices do not support new fossil fuel supplies, in alignment with the [International Energy Agency’s] Net Zero Emissions by 2050 Scenario.”

  • Banks—At Bank of America, the resolution says it should “build upon its net zero commitment by adopting a policy by the end of 2022 in which the company takes available actions to help ensure that its financing does not contribute to new fossil fuel supplies that would be inconsistent” with the IEA net-zero goal. At Citigroup, Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley and Wells Fargo it says the companies should take

proactive measures to ensure that the company’s lending and underwriting do not contribute to new fossil fuel development…consistent with” the UN Environmental Finance Initiative’s “recommendations to the G20 Sustainable Finance Working Group for credible net zero commitments.”


HOW BIG BANKS PUT CLIMATE AND INVESTORS AT RISK


PAUL RISSMAN
Co-founder, Rights Co-Lab

To avoid impending climate catastrophe, vast investment must be diverted from fossil fuel-based power generation, industrial processes, transport, and land use to carbon-free alternatives. McKinsey recently estimated this figure at $1 trillion per year, on top of an additional $3.5 trillion in new low-carbon investment, highlighting the critical role of private finance in driving decarbonization. Banks have recognized their central role and 102 institutions from 40 countries have signed on to the Net Zero Banking Alliance (NZBA), committed to aligning their lending and investment portfolios with net-zero emissions by 2050. Among the signatories are the six largest U.S. banks.


JPMorgan has two similar proposals. Harrington Investments asks it to

adopt a policy by the end of 2022 in which the company takes available actions to help ensure that its financing does not contribute to new fossil fuel supplies that would be inconsistent with the IEA’s Net Zero Emissions by 2050 Scenario.

Tulipshare asks only that the bank “in light of the ongoing climate crisis and to meet the goals of the Paris Agreement, end its investment, underwriting, and lending activities in fossil fuels.”

SEC challenges—All but AIG, Bank of America, Goldman Sachs and Wells Fargo have lodged SEC challenges. The firms variously argue that their current reporting makes the proposal moot, that the proposal is too vague and that it is ordinary business. For the Tulipshare resolution, JPMorgan says there are procedural missteps, that it is ordinary business because it is about product offerings and would micromanage, and that it duplicates the Harrington proposal it received first. (A third similar proposal also has been filed at JPMorgan by the Sierra Club, noted below.)

Previously, As You Sow withdrew a carbon finance proposal at Citigroup after an agreement in 2021, and at Wells Fargo in both 2021 and 2020 when it argued its reports made the proposal moot.

Report on financing/underwriting: As You Sow has approached four additional insurers (three of those with the finance-ban proposals, plus another) to ask for more data on their practices. It wants Berkshire Hathaway, Chubb Limited, Hartford Financial Services and Travelers each to report,

if and how it intends to measure, disclose, and reduce the GHG emissions associated with its underwriting, insuring, and investment activities, in alignment with the Paris Agreement’s 1.5 degree C goal, requiring net zero emissions.

Withdrawal—As You Sow withdrew after Hartford Financial Services agreed to respond substantively to the proposal; it will announce specifics at its May annual meeting.

SEC challenges—So far, Chubb and Travelers have filed SEC challenges. Chubb is arguing the proposal impermissibly duplicates the “end financing” proposal noted above that was filed first by Green Century, but it also says the resolution is too vague. Chubb further says it is moot, as does Travelers. Travelers points to its extensive climate-related reporting that uses guidelines set out by the Taskforce on Climate-related Financial Disclosures.


INSURING NET-ZERO PROGRESS


DANIELLE FUGERE
President, As You Sow

ANDREA RANGER
Shareholder Advocate, Green Century Capital Management

The UN Finance Initiative recently underscored the critical role of banks, insurers and investors in addressing climate change:

Climate change is referred to by leading economists as the greatest market failure in human history, with potentially disruptive implications on the social well-being, economic development, and financial stability of current and future generations: conservative estimates see unabated climate change leading to global costs equivalent to losing in-between 5 to 20% of global gross domestic product (GDP) each year, now and forever.


Goals and reporting: At JPMorgan Chase, where a high carbon financing proposal in 2020 received 49.6 percent support, a third climate financing proposal has been filed this year by the Sierra Club. It combines disclosure and goals-setting, seeking:

a report that sets absolute contraction targets for the Company’s financed greenhouse gas emissions, in accordance with United Nations Environmental Program Finance Initiative (UNEP FI) recommendations to the G20 Sustainable Finance Working Group, for credible net zero commitments.

Proponents request that, in the discretion of board and management, the report address the lack of need for new fossil fuel development beyond projects already committed as of 2021, as set forth in the UNEP FI recommendations.

Climate-related risk ratings: SumOfUs had a new resolution at two ratings firms, filed on behalf of James McRitchie and Myra Young. It asked Moody’s and S&P Global to report,

analyzing the feasibility of increasing the period of assessment to greater than five years when considering exposure to physical and transition risks associated with climate change for [company] credit ratings.

SEC challenges and withdrawal—Both firms told the SEC the resolution already has been implemented, but also would be illegal. Moody’s also said it was false and misleading and ordinary business. A withdrawal at S&P Global came after the company agreed the timeframe for its risk assessments was a legitimate concern and it provided additional information.

Capital expenditures: The New York City Comptroller’s Office had a new, comprehensive request about financing carbonintensive projects at Dominion Energy, long the target of shareholder proponents concerned about its operations and their climate impacts. The proposal asked for a report

describing how Dominion plans to align the company’s capital expenditures with any of its anticipated short, medium and long-term targets for its Scope 1, 2 and 3 greenhouse gas emissions. The report should provide quantitative and qualitative information on Dominion’s planned and projected investments in renewable energy resources, grid investments, storage, transmission, and electrification of customer energy use, and their impact on Dominion’s greenhouse gas emissions.

SEC challenge—The company argued at the SEC that that its current reporting made the proposal moot and also that it was an ordinary business matter since it was too detailed. The NYC funds withdrew after Dominion agreed to explicitly state its capital investment plan aligns with its net-zero GHG goals, and agreeing to expand on the subject in a forthcoming report that will include quantitative and qualitative data about its decarbonization plans.


DIRECTORS AND AUDITORS FAIL TO ACCOUNT FOR CLIMATE RISKS


NATASHA LANDELL-MILLS
Partner and Head of Stewardship,
Sarasin & Partners LLP

We need to get real on climate change. The world is now awash in grand promises and ambitions to deliver net-zero carbon emissions by 2050, in line with a 1.5C global warming cap, but these promises are not being backed by hard capital commitments. Turning the spotlight on the hidden world of accounting can help.


Strategy

Audited climate plans: Last year, proponents asked companies for the first time to issue formally audited plans that would explain how they will transition to a low-carbon economy, producing votes of just under 50 percent at both Chevron and Exxon. The slate of companies has expanded this year, with resubmissions at both Chevron and Exxon and seven more companies added to the list (two more energy companies, two banks and three utilities):

  • Energy—The proposal to Chevron, ExxonMobil and Marathon Oil asks for an audited report,

assessing how applying the assumptions of the International Energy Agency’s Net Zero by 2050 pathway would affect the assumptions, costs, estimates, and valuations underlying its financial statements, including those related to long-term commodity and carbon prices, remaining asset lives, future asset retirement obligations, capital expenditures and impairments.

A slightly different iteration is at Valero Energy, asking how the IEA Net Zero approach would affect its assessment so of “supply and demand, resiliency of assets, remaining asset lives, capital expenditures, and impairments.”

  • Banks—The Sierra Club asks for a report by the end of January 2023 on how the IEA net-zero assumption (known as “NZE”)

could affect underlying assumptions in financial filings, such as the magnitude of stranded assets, declining commercial credit quality, or enhanced regulatory capital requirements…Proponents recommend that, in the discretion of board and management, the report be supported by reasonable assurance from an independent auditor and that the report take account of information on:

  • Assumptions, costs, estimates, and valuations that may be materially impacted;

  • The absence of need, according to the IEA NZE pathway, for new fossil fuel development beyond projects already committed as of 2021.

  • Utilities—Three more proposals are at utilities. Proponents ask Duke Energy and PPL to produce

an independently audited report to shareholders on whether and how a significant reduction in fossil fuel utilization, envisioned in the [NZE] by 2050 scenario, would affect its financial position and underlying assumptions.

Previously, 2-degree analysis scenario proposal requests did well in 2017 at both companies, earning 46.4 percent at Duke and 56.8 percent at PPL.

Withdrawals—The Presbyterians have withdrawn at PPL and at another utility, Entergy, after reaching agreement. The Entergy proposal asked for a report that

considers the strategic feasibility and financial consequences of committing to an 80 percent carbon pollution-free electricity interim net zero target by 2030 to align Entergy’s net zero climate commitments to the Paris-aligned US nationally determined contribution (“US NDC”) electricity pledge.

Transition plans: Five more proposals seek reports (without an explicit audit provision) on plans about transitioning to a low-carbon economy and providing emission accountability. They reference several of the prominent initiatives investors have devised to measure and reduce emissions.

  • Hermes Investment Management asks the famously decentralized Berkshire Hathaway:

In the interest of the long-term success of [the company] and so investors can manage risk more effectively, shareowners request…an annual assessment addressing how the Company manages physical and transitional climate-related risks and opportunities, commencing prior to its 2023 annual shareholder’s meeting. Shareowners recommend the assessment address:

  1. Summaries of risks and opportunities at the parent Company level and for only those Company subsidiaries and investee organizations that the board believes could be materially impacted by climate change, disclosed in accordance with the Taskforce on Climate-related Financial Disclosure (TCFD) recommendations,

  2. The board’s oversight of climate related risks and opportunities, and

  3. The feasibility of establishing company-wide science-based, greenhouse gas (GHG) reduction targets.

The assessment may be a stand-alone report or incorporated into existing reporting, be prepared at a reasonable cost, and omit proprietary information.


SAY ON CLIMATE GLOBAL SHAREHOLDER COALITION


DAVID SHUGAR

Say on Climate Initiative Manager, As You Sow

The Say on Climate global shareholder initiative aims to move companies to develop net zero transition plans, adopt annual 5 percent GHG emissions reduction targets (aligned with Climate Action 100+ benchmarks), provide annual emissions disclosure and give shareholders an annual vote. The annual advisory vote would be similar to votes on executive compensation, but it would be about implementation of a company’s climate transition plan.


  • TCFD—An undisclosed proponent has filed at Charter Communications, where a resolution last year seeking annual advisory votes on climate change strategy earned 40 percent. The 2022 resolution asks Charter to prepare

no later than 150 days after each annual meeting…a climate-related financial risk report (the "Climate Action Plan") consistent with the recommendations of the Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures. The Climate Action Plan should disclose the Company’s greenhouse gas emissions and its plan to reduce them and whether, how and to what extent such plans align with or vary from the ten Disclosure Indicators set forth in the Climate Action 100+ Net-Zero Company Benchmark...

  • CA100+—Two proposals reference Climate Action100+ goals, described in the supporting statement. At Boeing, As You Sow asks for a report that includes “any rationale for a decision not to set and disclose goals in line with the Net Zero Indicator.” At Ross Stores, it says the report should evaluate and discuss “how the Company intends to measure and begin reducing its supply chain GHG emissions in alignment with the Benchmark and the Paris Agreement…” (A 2019 proposal seeking a report on GHG targets at Ross earned 40.9 percent.) “Benchmark” refers to the March 2021 Net-Zero Company Benchmark from CA100+ that gives comparative performance assessments on company progress.

  • New profit model? Arjuna Capital asks ExxonMobil to report on “how the company could alter its business model to yield profits within the limits of a 1.5-degree Celsius global temperature rise by substantially reducing its dependence on fossil fuels.”

Long-term financial priorities: The Shareholder Commons (TSC), which started filing shareholder resolutions last year about the long-term impacts corporations impose on society and the economy by “externalizing their costs,” saw little success in its proposed solution, which was to reincorporate as public benefit corporations (PBCs). This year, TSC has branched out to become more explicit about the types of costs specific companies may impose and how it believes companies should account for these costs, which it says are borne most heavily by institutional investors whose holdings reflect the whole market.

This year, on climate change, TSC has filed a resolution at United Parcel Service, where proposals asking it to set Paris-compliant GHG goals earned 36.7 percent in 2021 and 29.6 percent in 2020. The TSC proposal now asks for a report on

(1) the extent (if any) to which Company decisions involving the greenhouse-gas emissions reduction prioritize Company financial performance over the environmental costs and risks of climate change and (2) the manner in which any consequent environmental costs and risks threaten returns of diversified shareholders who rely on a stable and productive economy.

(See p. 47 for a similar proposal at 3M on environmental costs, financial priorities and political influence.)

Just Transition

Two new proposals seek to address inequities that will increase as the world warms and economic disruption affects the most vulnerable, seeking to ensure a “just transition” to a low-carbon world:

  • Arctic drilling—Green Century asks Chevron about financial and ecosystem risks and threats to Indigenous peoples. It wants a report

assessing the benefits and drawbacks of committing to not engage in oil and gas exploration and production in the Arctic, particularly in the Arctic Refuge, as well as the financial and reputational risks to the company associated with such development.

  • Community impact—The Teamsters propose that Marathon Petroleum issue a report

stating how Marathon is responding to the social impact of Marathon’s climate change strategy on workers and communities, consistent with the "Just Transition" guidelines of the International Labor Organization ("ILO")…

It should include:

  • Marathon’s commitment to providing a just transition for its workforce and communities in its plans to address its climate-related risks and opportunities;

  • Marathon’s plans to address the impacts of its climate change strategy on workers and communities.

  • The integration of these concerns into the governance structure, including executive compensation, stakeholder and workforce engagement processes, and Board oversight.

Forests and Water

A handful of proposals ask companies to address how their businesses contribute to deforestation, a major driver of climate change. Home improvement companies, with their wood products, have been routine targets, and this year two banks also are asked about how their financing practices should support healthy ecosystems, preserve biodiversity and reduce deforestation. In addition, Amazon.com has a proposal from a newly active social investment firm, Prentiss Smith. Green Century, a longtime supporter of responsible forest practices, is the proponent of the other four resolutions.

Banks: At Bank of New York Mellon and Citigroup, Green Century wants a report on how each “could improve efforts to reduce negative impacts and enhance positive impacts on natural ecosystems and biodiversity across its banking and investment portfolios.” Proponents withdrew a similar resolution in 2021 at JPMorgan Chase after the company released a requested report on the subject, but the issue has not been addressed before in this form at either of this year’s recipients.

Home improvement stores: The resolution at Home Depot and Lowe’s asks each to make more effort and report “if and how it could increase the scale, pace, and rigor of its efforts to eliminate deforestation and the degradation of primary forests in its supply chains.” Various proponents have asked Home Depot to set climate-related goals in the past and were withdrawn after negotiations, with an agreement in 2019 where the company said it would release targets for 2030 and 2035. The only previous climate-related proposal at Lowe’s to go to a vote asked for renewable energy targets and received 6.9 percent in 2017, although it also had a net-zero GHG goals resolution this year, described above, which Mercy Investments withdrew after an agreement.

Amazon.com: Prentiss Smith has withdrawn a proposal asking for annual reports

on how the company is addressing climate impacts caused by deforestation in its supply chain. The report should include quantitative metrics on supply chain-related deforestation impacts, as well as progress against goals for reducing those impacts.

The company told the SEC the proponent did not substantiate its stock ownership and the withdrawal came before any SEC response. Previously, a 2019 proposal from a group of workers, Amazon Employees for Climate Justice, asked for a report about climate change disruptions and reducing fossil fuel dependence; it earned 30.9 percent.

Water

Three resolutions ask about water use this year, with explicit climate change references, at companies that have not received such proposals in the past:

  • At Alphabet, the request is for annual reports about “quantitative water-related metrics by location, including data centers, and for each location, practices implemented to reduce climate-related water risk.”

  • A Chipotle and Kraft Heinz, a resolution seeks “quantitative indicators where available, an assessment to identify, in light of the growing pressures on water supply quality and quantity posed by climate change, its total water risk exposure, and policies and practices to reduce this risk and prepare for water supply uncertainties associated with climate change.”

Environmental Management

Proposals about environmental management that go beyond direct climate impacts long have asked about mitigating various types of pollution and waste, with a growing focus on plastics. They also address agricultural practices such as the treatment of food animals, antibiotics in feed, pesticides and water. This year, the total now sits at 35 resolutions, with several new issues such as product repair, chemical footprinting and mining and indigenous rights.

Waste & Pollution

Plastics and Packaging

As You Sow and Green Century are the main players seeking to cut the use of plastics, at both producers and users. They have filed 15 proposals, with only two that are resubmissions (table, above). The proposals foresee financial risks to industry of up to $100 billion should governments require them to cover waste management costs they impose. They reference a July 2020 Pew Charitable Trusts report, Breaking the Plastic Wave, which estimates current initiatives will cut ocean plastics by only 7 percent, tripling flows into the oceans by 2040. The resolutions call for sharp reductions in production and use, plus more recycling.


HOLDING BIG OIL ACCOUNTABLE FOR PLASTIC MISMANAGEMENT


JOSHUA ROMO

Energy & Plastics Associate, As You Sow

CONRAD MACKERRON
Senior Vice President, As You Sow

Plastics currently impose a lifecycle social cost at least ten times higher than their market price. While ubiquitous plastic waste dominates public perception, threats to the climate and health are mounting. Despite rising understanding of the broad landscape of risks facing the current fossil-fueled plastic economy, the oil and gas industry is betting on a world that uses more and more virgin plastics. U.S. petrochemical producers, while claiming to take significant action against ocean plastics and climate change, cling to this worldview to justify building more virgin plastic production infrastructure and extracting fossil fuels. Simply put, we need significant reductions in the overall use of plastic; remaining production must transition from virgin to recycled polymers.


Make less: In 2021, DuPont de Nemours investors gave overwhelming support for a resolution asking it to report on its plastics releases and efforts to reduce them. This year, perhaps heartened by that vote, proponents are asking three producers to reduce virgin plastics production:

  • At Phillips 66, the request is to report on how it “could shift its plastic resin business model from virgin to recycled polymer production as a means of reducing plastic pollution of the oceans.” Back in 2019, As You Sow withdrew a proposal about plastic pellet spills when the company agreed to report, just before the annual meeting and after the proxy statement came out.

  • A resolution at Dow and ExxonMobil is new and asks each for an audited report on whether and how a significant reduction in virgin plastic demand, as set forth in Breaking the Plastic Wave’s System Change Scenario to reduce ocean plastic pollution, would affect the Company’s financial position and assumptions underlying its financial statements.

Dow says the proposal arrived 34 minutes past the deadline and can be omitted.

Cut use: At Amazon.com, Kroger and McDonald’s, As You Sow asks each to explain how it “will reduce its plastics use in alignment with the reductions findings of the Pew Report, or other authoritative sources, to feasibly reduce ocean pollution.” The proposal says the report could:

  • Quantify the weight of total plastic packaging used by the company;

  • Evaluate the benefits of dramatically reducing the amount of plastics used in our packaging;

  • Assess the reputational, financial, and operational risks associated with continuing to use substantial amounts of plastic packaging while plastic pollution grows unabated;

  • Describe any necessary reduction strategies or goals, materials redesign, transition to reusables, substitution, or reductions in use of virgin plastic.

Investors have voted in the recent past on similar proposals before, with support last year reaching 35.5 percent at Amazon.com and 45.6 percent at Kroger. In comparison, a packaging resolution at McDonald’s received just 7.8 percent in 2018, highlighting how much the landscape has shifted on plastics pollution.


PLASTIC POLLUTION: PUSHING FOR ABSOLUTE REDUCTIONS AND REFILLABLES GOALS


KELLY MCBEE
Waste Program Coordinator, As You Sow

In 2021, As You Sow shifted its focus on plastic pollution from asking companies to make plastic packaging more recyclable to using less plastic, with terrific results. Our proposals to 10 major consumer goods companies led five companies, including Target and Walmart, to agree to cut virgin plastic use by more than 700,000 tons by 2025.


Rethink single uses: Green Century withdrew a proposal at Coca-Cola last year when it agreed to cut virgin plastics use by 3 million tons by 2025, but it is back now with a request for reporting on reuse and

the potential to more rapidly reduce dependence on single use plastic packaging by expanding and supporting refillable bottle systems and infrastructure globally. The report should establish uniform companywide metrics for the company’s public reporting on refillables use, and evaluate opportunities for setting aggressive refillables goals and deadlines.

At PepsiCo, it also asks for a report “describing the potential and options for the Company to rapidly reduce dependence on single-use plastic packaging.”

At Church & Dwight (owner of the Arm & Hammer brand) and Kraft Heinz, the proposal asks how each will “will reduce plastic packaging, including any planned reduction strategies or goals, materials redesign, substitution, or reductions in use of virgin plastic.” Investors have already voted on a similar resolution asking Jack in the Box to develop a “comprehensive sustainable packaging policy approach.”

At CVS Health, Newell Brands and ODP (formerly Office Depot) the request is to assess “if and how the Company can increase its sustainability efforts by reducing its absolute plastic use across its operations.” At ODP it specifies the resolution is about “private label product packaging and ecommerce shipping.” Previously, CVS made a commitment in 2020 to report and collaborate with others, prompting a proposal withdrawal.

Votes—A proposal similar to the CVS version has earned 13.7 percent at Tyson Foods. The Jack in the Box voted was 95.4 percent, the highest ever for a resolution opposed by management.

Withdrawal—Green Century has withdrawn at CVS after reaching an agreement.

SEC challenges—Two SEC challenges are pending. Kraft Heinz claims that As You Sow did not prove its stock ownership, while PepsiCo says the resolution can be omitted on ordinary business grounds because it is involved in related litigation. Last year, As You Sow withdrew a more general resolution about plastic packaging and said it reached an accord, but the company also had challenged on ordinary business grounds.

Right to repair: Late in 2021, As You Sow withdrew a resolution at Microsoft about reporting on its device repair policy. Green Century has taken up the mantle on this new area of concern for 2022 at Alphabet, Apple and Deere, asking each to relax restrictive repair policies that prevent independent and potentially cheaper repairs to cut down on planned obsolescence. It asked Apple and Alphabet to report “on the environmental and social benefits of making Company devices more easily repairable by consumers and independent repair shops.” Although it is still pending at Alphabet, Green Century withdrew and claimed a major victory when Apple announced it would allow customers to repair its products; the company also had challenged the proposal at the SEC, saying it was ordinary business.

At Deere, the proposal took a slightly different form, seeking a report ”on the emerging state and federal Right to Repair legislation and the Company’s explanation of underlying issues giving rise to those policy proposals.” Deere told the SEC the resolution had been implemented and was ordinary business and Green Century withdrew but reached no accord.

Chemical Footprint

Four companies have new resolutions from ICCR members asking about their chemical footprints and how they can be reduced; none have seen recent related proposals. The resolution at Bed Bath & Beyond asks for a report “on the outcomes of the Company’s chemical reduction efforts by publishing quantitative and qualitative data on progress to eliminate the use of chemicals of concern,” and says the report could include:

  • Evaluation of vendor compliance with the Company’s chemical policies;

  • Measure of chemical footprint in private label and third-party products;

  • Set reduction goals, and track and disclose progress against a baseline.


REDUCING CHEMICAL FOOTPRINT LESSENS BUSINESS RISK


ALEXANDRA MCPHERSON

Consulting Manager, Investor Environmental Health Network

MARK ROSSI
Executive Director, Clean Production Action

Investors have filed resolutions with Five Below, Dollar General, Bed Bath & Beyond, and Kroger to expand and improve chemical safety programs. This comes at a time when regulatory risk and consumer concern is rising.

Since 2000, more than 35 states have passed 173 policies that establish state chemicals programs to identify, limit, or ban the use of harmful chemicals in products, including tips for consumers. PFAS, “forever chemicals,” are a particular growing global concern because of their persistence and toxicity. In 2022, more than 50 state bills are moving to ban PFAS in textiles, cosmetics, food packaging, and other applications.


It cites scientific concern about connections to toxic chemical exposures and more chronic diseases and a reduction in immunity, noting pending legislation around the United States about safer chemicals, and the work of the nonprofit group Safer States, plus action by peers through the Chemical Footprint Project.

At Burlington, the simple request is for a report “describing if, and how, it plans to reduce its chemical footprint,” noting a journal article about “premature deaths linked to a common class of chemicals found in food containers, cosmetics and children’s toys cost the US about 40 to 47 billion dollars annually in lost economic productivity.” The proposal also references standards for retailers defined by the Sustainability Accounting Standards Board (SASB) on chemical safety. As at Bed Bath & Beyond, the proposal makes specific suggestions for reporting on “the relative benefits and drawbacks of”

  • Developing a comprehensive chemical policy;

  • Adopting short- and long-term priority chemical lists;

  • Identifying chemicals of high concern and a process for their elimination; and

  • Deployment of safer alternatives when available.

Withdrawal—Trinity Health has withdrawn at Five Below after an agreement. The proposal sought a report on how the company assesses and manages “risks and/or hazards associated with chemicals in products, with consideration of the SASB multiline and specialty retailers standard.” Five Below will adopt the SASB standard and report after the end of its fiscal year 2023 and consider related policies for its private-label products.

At Dollar General, the resolution from the Presbyterian Church (USA) is more prescriptive, asking the company to “reduce its chemical footprint by adopting new policies” that include:

  • Expanding its chemical restrictions to include appropriate categories of third-party branded products;

  • Accelerating the timetable to expand the number of chemicals addressed in the company’s Restricted Substance List using authoritative lists.

Agricultural Practices

Proponents have long expressed concern about how food is produced, addressing the use of antibiotics, pesticides and the treatment of food animals. This year there are 12 proposals on these issues with a few more filed by the Humane Society received too late to include in this report.


SHAREHOLDERS HELP BIG-AG BUILD A RESILIENT SUPPLY CHAIN


ARIANA GUILAK

Environmental Health Program Coordinator, As You Sow

As food manufacturers begin to more widely acknowledge and address the material risk of climate change and biodiversity loss, they must also acknowledge the role pesticides play.

Pesticide-intensive agriculture not only poses significant health risk to farmers, farm-adjacent communities, and consumers, but also threatens farms’ climate resiliency by reducing the ability of soil to store water and carbon. Additionally, pesticides threaten biodiversity by harming organisms above and below ground and helping pesticide-resistant weeds and insects proliferate. As concerns about pesticides have evolved, shareholders continue to urge companies to require farmers in their supply chain to report synthetic pesticide use, adopt strategies that reduce their need in the first place, and shift to regenerative farming.


Antibiotics

External costs: Last year saw the first of new proposals from The Shareholder Commons (TSC) that asked about the ways in which companies contribute to growing antibiotic resistance (known as “AMR” for “antimicrobial resistance”), and whether they should quantify their share of the responsibility. The proposals connected obligations to long-term investors and the stakeholder capitalism concept expressed in the 2019 Business Roundtable’s Statement on the Purpose of a Corporation.

In 2021 there was one vote of 11.9 percent at McDonald’s and a withdrawal at Yum Brands after it agreed to produce the report. TSC refiled at both companies this year and added Abbott Laboratories and Hormel Foods, where investors gave the resolution 6.9 percent support in January.

The proposal asked Hormel to “commission and disclose a study on the external environmental and public health costs created by the use of antibiotics in our company’s supply chain and the manner in which such costs affect the vast majority of its shareholders who rely on a healthy stock market.” It is slightly different at McDonald’s, asking for a report on “the link between the public-health costs created by the use of antibiotics in the Company’s supply chain and McDonald’s prioritization of enterprise risk” as well as how the problem may affect diversified shareholders’ returns.

For Abbott Laboratories, the focus is on research about combatting AMR and it seeks a report not only on the impact on shareholders but also on “1) the public health costs created by Company decisions not to invest additional resources in slowing the growth of antimicrobial resistance (AMR) [and] (2) market barriers to such additional investment.”

Withdrawal after SEC challenge— At Yum this year the proposal asked for an explanation of how the company could “address competitive concerns that interfere with efforts to mitigate the [AMR] crisis by considering the financial position of the Company’s diversified owners in establishing its practices.” The company argued at the SEC that its report last year made the resolution moot; it covered:

  • Greater context on AMR, the systemwide costs of AMR and strategy for quantifying external AMR costs

  • Stakeholders who absorb these costs

  • An optimal global scenario to eliminate or internalize AMR costs

  • Competitive concerns

  • How Yum! policies and procedures could influence the global scenario

TSC said in this year’s resolution that the 2021 report showed Yum still “prioritizes profits over safeguarding the global economy,” could do more to address the problem by greater collaboration with public and private entities” and still should quantify diversified shareholders’ performance improvements that could result from addressing AMR. But in the end TSC withdrew before the SEC responded.

Pesticides

Proponents previously have withdrawn about half the proposals they file about pesticides and earned votes in the 30-percent decile, with several agreements about pesticide use in food production. As You Sow asks Archer-Daniels-Midland, B&G Food, Kraft Heinz and Kroger to explain “if and how the company is measuring the use in its agricultural supply chains of pesticides that cause harm to human health and the environment.” The proposal outlines problems with pesticide use in the food system, including threats to “farmer resiliency and productivity due to proliferation of pesticide-resistant weeds and insects, loss of topsoil, and soil degradation.” It notes disclosures by other companies and decries it lack at the companies where it has filed, suggesting they report on:

  • Type and amount of pesticides avoided annually through targeted strategies like regenerative agriculture programs, IPM, or other methods;

  • Priority pesticides for reduction or elimination;

  • Targets and timelines, if any, for pesticide reduction.

The resolution is new to all but Kraft Heinz, where As You Sow withdrew after a procedural challenge.

Food Animals

The Humane Society of the U.S. (HSUS) asked Ingles Markets, a grocery store chain in the American South, to provide more information on its plans to sell only cage-free eggs; it received 7.7 percent support on February 15. Other issues that previously have come up at other companies address the use of leather and the pork supply chain.

At Levi Strauss, People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) wants a report “on the slaughter methods used to procure leather to determine whether they conform to this policy. The report should also address the risks presented by any incompatible sourcing and the company’s plans, if any, to mitigate these risks.”


MCDONALD’S BREAKS ANIMAL WELFARE PLEDGE—NOW FACES BOARD BATTLE


LESLIE SAMUELRICH

President, Green Century Capital Management

On February 20, 2022, McDonald’s confirmed that Carl Icahn nominated both Maisie Ganzler and me for the company’s board of directors in response to McDonald’s failure to meet a public pledge it made 10 years ago to end the egregiously cruel and controversial practice of pig gestation crates by this year. McDonald’s falsely maintains it’s making progress towards this goal when sows in their supply chain are still immobilized in tiny stalls, not much bigger than their bodies, for several weeks of each pregnancy. They can’t even turn around, and it’s months of confinement in a tiny cage.


HSUS wants Wendy’s to report within three months to

confirm the individual crate confinement of gestating pigs will be eliminated from its North American supply by the end of 2022. If Wendy’s cannot so confirm, shareholders request: 1) its percentage of gestation crate-free pork, and 2) risks Wendy’s may face over the disparity between its gestation crate assurances and the use of crates beyond 2022.

HSUS has filed a similar proposal at McDonald’s, where billionaire Carl Icahn is backing dissident directors because he is dissatisfied about what he sees as a lack of progress in implementing the company’s policy to phase out gestation crates for pigs.

SEC challenges: Levi’s and Wendy’s have lodged challenges at the SEC. Levi Strauss says it concerns ordinary business because it addresses specific products—an argument that has prevailed in similar cases before. Wendy’s says its December 2021 plan to end the use of hog gestation crates by the end of 2022 makes the proposal moot, and also that the proposal is an ordinary business issue since it would involve a product-specific risk assessment. HSUS earlier had withdrawn a similar proposal at Wendy’s in 2012 but this year expresses skepticism that progress is being made.

Mining

Green Century is the lead proponent on a new proposal at Chemours about mining in northern Florida. It asks for a report on “material climate, regulatory, and reputational risks” that might occur were the company to acquire a titanium mining project, Twin Pines Minerals, located near the Okefenokee National Wildlife Refuge. The refuge’s 400,000 protected acres host “the largest refuge in the eastern United States and home to hundreds of plant and animal species” Green Century notes, storing “the equivalent of 95 million tons of carbon dioxide.” The proposal asks for a report

assessing the benefits and drawbacks of committing not to engage in titanium mining, nor to purchase titanium mined by others, near the Okefenokee National Wildlife Refuge, and assessing the financial and reputational risks to the company associated with such development or procurement.

Corporate Political Influence

Until now, most investor concern about addressing undue corporate political influence has centered on arrangements for formal oversight and disclosure of spending on elections and lobbying. Many companies have become comfortable with this framework and most large companies have formal board oversight of their contribution processes. Many also disclose at least some information on their spending, even while mostly eschewing disclosure of their support for politically active intermediaries such as trade associations. The increasingly rancorous tone of the political scene has spilled over into shareholder resolutions, however, and proponents today are asking more pointed questions about how company money is spent, and what recipients of company-connected money support. While companies routinely assert they give across the aisle to politicians who support their interests, a careful look at the record shows this is not always accurate. The January 6, 2021, attack at the U.S. Capitol prompted some companies to stop giving—at least temporarily to members of Congress who voted to overturn the 2020 election results, but almost no companies have ended all their support for the Republican Party and its various committees that support such politicians, who are part of what some call a “sedition caucus.” Further, state-level spending patterns reflect regional political power realities—where new laws reflect an increasingly radicalized agenda from the right end of the political spectrum.

The volume of proposals on political spending is no longer the largest of any proxy season issue—being surpassed this year by climate change—and the breakdown of proposals has shifted. Election spending resolutions have steadily fallen in number since 2019 and the proportion of those about lobbying has grown (boosted by climate-related lobbying resolutions). Resolutions that question conflicts between corporate policies and the partisan preferences of recipients have steadily grown, doubling to 20 this year. Proponents have filed 101 proposals thus far in 2022, up from 89 in all of 2021 and down from an apex of 135 in 2014.

Proponents: Proponents include social investment and religious organizations, leading pension funds from New York City and State, trade unions and some individuals. Investor concern about corporate election spending began in 2003 with the founding of the Center for Political Accountability (CPA) and intensified after the Citizens United U.S. Supreme Court decision in 2010. The CPA’s model oversight and disclosure approach is the standard template for lobbying transparency, too, and forms the basis for the lobbying disclosure campaign run by Boston Trust Walden and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME). The umbrella Corporate Reform Coalition supports shareholder activity on corporate spending and includes other reformers.

Resources: An ICCR initiative supports climate lobbying proposals and Ceres has set out guidelines in its Responsible Policy Engagement on Climate Change report. Rhia Ventures is coordinating investor engagement about corporate policies and spending regarding reproductive and maternal health.

The most recent version of the CPA-Zicklin Index, released in fall 2021, tracks S&P 500 performance about spending on elections. No similar index exists on lobbying, although Si2’s annual survey tracks that issue. The Conference Board’s Committee on Corporate Political Spending offers a generally supportive business perspective on accountability.

New code—In October 2020, the CPA released a new Model Code that aims to more fully address partisan risks, but it has yet to fully incorporate related metrics into its index ratings. Its preamble says the code explains how companies can:

  • be responsible members of society and participants in the democratic process and responsive to the range of stakeholders, in both letter and spirit,

  • be recognized for their leadership in aligning corporate integrity and accountability with codified values,

  • prudently manage company resources, and

  • avoid the increased level of reputational, business and legal risk posed by the seismic shifts in how society engages with and scrutinizes corporations. The risk is exacerbated by the evolution of social media and a resurgence of activism in civil society.

The code’s provisions that aim to address partisan harms say companies should “review the positions of the candidates or organizations to which it contributes to determine whether those positions conflict with the company’s core values and policies” and stipulates that boards should “consider the broader societal and economic harm and risks posed by the company’s political spending.”


A MODEL CODE FOR COMPANIES TO GOVERN THEIR POLITICAL SPENDING


BRUCE F. FREED
President, Center for Political Accountability

DAN CARROLL
Vice President for Programs, Center for Political Accountability

As the 2022 proxy season unfolds, there’s good news and concerning news about companies and their political spending. Which wins out – greater control over political spending or a return to business as usual – will affect how companies fare as shareholders pay even closer attention to what they do with their political money and how it aligns with their values and positions.


Multiple proposals: Fourteen companies have more than one proposal about lobbying, election spending or climate change advocacy, in one combination or another: AbbVie, Alphabet, Amazon.com, American Airlines, Amgen, Charter Communications, Eli Lilly, ExxonMobil, HCA Healthcare, Meta Platforms (the former Facebook), Pfizer, Uber, United Parcel Service and Walmart.

Conservatives: Proponents espousing free market ideals occasionally borrowed the resolved clauses written by disclosure advocates and block the main campaign proposals. These proponents continue to question corporate charitable giving and they raise new questions about corporate political activity at Coca-Cola and Target. (See Conservatives, p. 83.)

Lobbying

The resolved clause for the main lobbying campaign resolution submitted this year to 36 companies remains the same as in the past and many (22) are at companies where votes have occurred before, most of them last year (table, page 42). The main proposal asks for an annual report that includes:

  1. Company policy and procedures governing lobbying, both direct and indirect, and grassroots lobbying communications.

  2. Payments by [the company] used for (a) direct or indirect lobbying or (b) grassroots lobbying communications, in each case including the amount of the payment and the recipient.

  3. [The company’s] membership in and payments to any tax-exempt organization that writes and endorses model legislation.

  4. Description of the decision-making process and oversight by management and the Board for making payments described in sections 2 and 3 above.


SECRET INFLUENCE: ASTROTURFING SWAYS PUBLIC POLICY


JOHN KEENAN

Corporate Governance Analyst, AFSCME Capital Strategies

Lobbying by companies can provide governments with valuable insights and data for public policy making, yet only 8 percent of the world’s 1,000 largest companies report their spending on lobbying to investors. And when companies make undisclosed payments to dark money groups to secretly influence public policy, this “astroturf” lobbying creates legal, financial, and reputational risks for shareholders as evidenced by utility FirstEnergy’s agreement to pay $230 million for funneling $60 million through dark money groups as part of a bribery scheme.


For purposes of this proposal, a “grassroots lobbying communication” is a communication directed to the general public that (a) refers to specific legislation or regulation, (b) reflects a view on the legislation or regulation and (c) encourages the recipient of the communication to take action with respect to the legislation or regulation. “Indirect lobbying” is lobbying engaged in by a trade association or other organization of which [the company] is a member.

Both “direct and indirect lobbying” and “grassroots lobbying communications” include efforts at the local, state and federal levels.

The report shall be presented to the Audit Committee or other relevant oversight committees of the Board and posted on [the company]’s website.

Withdrawals—Proponents have withdrawn after agreements at AECOM and Quanta Services.

SEC action—Three companies have lodged challenges at the SEC so far. AbbVie says the proponent made procedural missteps. Both it and Eli Lilly also say the resolution duplicates another they received first about lobbying, election spending and values congruency (described below). In like mien, Amazon.com says the resubmitted proposal duplicates another it received first on climaterelated lobbying; the resolution is in its seventh year and the 36.1 percent vote last year was the highest yet. Finally, Eli Lilly also says its disclosures make the proposal moot; the proposals earned 48.2 percent in 2021, up from earlier votes in the 20-percent range.

Election Spending

The Center for Political Accountability and its allies, a wide variety of institutional investors, continue to seek board oversight and transparency about election spending from corporate treasuries, with 32 proposals filed this year. Only five are resubmissions and nine have yet to be made public. (See table for list.) Support from investors for these resolutions has continued to climb and averaged 43.8 percent last year, up sharply from earlier years.

Last year there were majority votes on election spending at four companies, including 80.2 percent at Chemed and 52.9 percent at Royal Caribbean where it has been resubmitted. Other resubmissions earned 2021 votes in the 30-percent range, at Dollar General, ExxonMobil and Flowers Foods.

CPA proposal: The main CPA resolution remains the same, with most noting it excludes lobbying activity. It asks companies to produce reports twice yearly on:

  1. Policies and procedures for making, with corporate funds or assets, contributions and expenditures (direct and indirect) to (a) participate or intervene in any political campaign on behalf of (or in opposition to) any candidate for public office, or (b) influence the general public, or any segment thereof, with respect to an election or referendum.

  2. Monetary and non-monetary contributions and expenditures (direct and indirect) used in the manner described in section 1 above, including:

a. The identity of the recipient as well as the amount paid to each; and

b. The title(s) of the person(s) in the Company responsible for decision-making.

Withdrawals—So far proponents have withdrawn after agreements at Analog Devices, Coterra (formerly Cabot Oil & Gas), Hanesbrands and PPG Industries.

SEC challenges—Chemed has challenged the proposal at the SEC, arguing a report it issued on January 14 about its political giving policy and corporate contributions details and trade association spending makes the resolution moot. For its part, Expeditors International of Washington told the SEC the resolution is moot because as of Nov. 4, 2021, it has been forbidding direct or indirect contributions to political parties, campaigns or candidates.

No votes on new indirect spending proposal: Myra Young and James McRitchie filed a new proposal working with the CPA that tried to zero in on indirect spending by organizations supported by companies, at Costco and Walgreens Boot Alliance. It asked that each

adopt a policy requiring that any trade association, social welfare organization, or other organization that engages in political activities seeking financial support from Company agree to report to [the Company], at least annually, the organization’s expenditures for political activities, including the amount spent and the recipient, and that each such report be posted on [the Company’s] website. For purposes of this proposal, “political activities” are:

i. influencing or attempting to influence the selection, nomination, election, or appointment of any individual to a public office; or

ii. supporting a party, committee, association, fund, or other organization organized and operated primarily for the purpose of directly or indirectly accepting contributions or making expenditures to engage in the activities described in (i).

SEC action—The proponents withdrew after SEC challenges. Costco said it was not significantly related to the company’s business since it forbids any use of its funds for political use. Walgreens said it could not implement the proposal and that it was ordinary business.

Values Congruency

While proposals in the past have asked about lobbying on climate change or consistency between stated corporate values and spending in elections, these types of proposals have expanded in 2020 to reach their highest number yet, with a range of issues invoked.

Climate Change Lobbying

The biggest group includes 20 proposals that ask companies to explain their involvement in public policy advocacy about climate change. Last year, five of seven similar proposals that went to votes earned support well above 50 percent. Only one of this year’s crop is a resubmission—the proposal at ExxonMobil that last year earned 63.9 percent. Sixteen proposals are now pending and four have been withdrawn. (See table for list.) With slight variations, each asks for a report within a year,

describing if, and how, [the company’s] lobbying activities (directly and indirectly through trade associations and social welfare and nonprofitorganizations) align with the Paris Climate Agreement’s aspirational goal of limiting average global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. The report should also address the risks presented by any misaligned lobbying and the company’s plans, if any, to mitigate these risks.

At ExxonMobil, Honeywell International, Lockheed Martin, Truist Financial and United Parcel Service, it specifies “well below 2 degrees Celsius.”

Withdrawals—Boston Trust Walden has withdrawn at JPMorgan Chase because it agreed to include more information on its public policy advocacy in its forthcoming TCFD report. JPMorgan also had challenged the proposal at the SEC, arguing it was an ordinary business matter because it was too specific. Additional agreements and withdrawals have occurred at American Airlines, Amgen, Lockheed Martin and Truist Financial (the combination of BB&T and SunTrust).

SEC challenges—Amazon.com and Meta Platforms have lodged challenges. Amazon says it already has reported on its climate goals and included related public policy advocacy information, but also has told the SEC the climate lobbying proposal is duplicated by a more general one on lobbying it also received. Meta says the proponent failed to provide sufficient proof of its stock ownership duration.

Values and Influence Spending

Reproductive health: Proposals coordinated last year by Rhia Ventures earned considerable support and the group is back in 2022 with nine resolutions relating to the alignment of corporate policies and spending in elections and beyond. It asks AT&T, JPMorgan Chase and Home Depot for annual reports about election spending,

analyzing the congruence of political and electioneering expenditures during the preceding year against publicly stated company values and policies and disclosing or summarizing any actions taken regarding pausing or terminating support for organizations or politicians, and the types of incongruent policy advocacy triggering those decisions.

At AT&T, where a procedural problem blocked the resolution last year, the proposal notes the company’s support for politicians working to restrict reproductive health and other civil rights. (AT&T was one of the largest donors to Texas legislators who supported SB 8, which bans abortion at six weeks of gestation.) At JPMorgan the resolution questions the consistency of the company’s giving with its policies on clean energy, LGBTQ equality and reproductive rights.

The proposal is in its third year at Home Depot, having earned 38 percent in 2021 and 32.9 percent in 2020. The proposal is a resubmission at JPMorgan Chase, where it received 30 percent last year.


MISALIGNMENT BETWEEN COMPANY REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH POLICIES AND INFLUENCE SPENDING


SHELLEY ALPERN
Director of Corporate Engagement, Rhia Ventures

Rhia Ventures, now in its third year of advocating for better corporate policies related to reproductive and maternal health care, has worked with allied investors to file 14 proposals for 2022.

Reproductive rights are on the line this year as the U.S. Supreme Court considers a direct challenge to Roe v. Wade, the landmark decision protecting the right to access abortion without excessive government restriction. Should Roe be overturned or gravely weakened, as is widely anticipated, as many as 26 states are poised to ban abortion completely within their borders. Texas Senate Bill 8, enacted into law in September 2021 and undergoing challenge in court, is another potential game changer if it is allowed to stand. The law imposes a ban on abortions past the detection of fetal electrical activity described by its supporters as a “fetal heartbeat,” usually around the sixth week of pregnancy.


The other Rhia Ventures proposal is more expansive and asks six healthcare firms and a cable company—AbbVie, Amgen, Charter Communications, Cigna, Eli Lilly, Pfizer and UnitedHealth—for annual reports that will analyze and report on:

the congruence of its political, lobbying, and electioneering expenditures during the preceding year against its publicly stated company values and policies, listing and explaining instances of incongruent expenditures, and stating whether the identified incongruencies have or will lead to a change in future expenditures or contributions.

The resolutions raise questions about the consistency of company policies on issues beyond reproductive health, mentioning diversity, voting rights and climate change at Charter, for instance. (As noted above, a different proposal about climate-related lobbying also has been filed at UnitedHealth Group. A second proposal at Amgen on lobbying and access to medicine is discussed below.)

SEC action and withdrawal—Eli Lilly told the SEC the resolution had been implemented and also duplicated a lobbying proposal filed by SEIU as well as a proposal about lobbying values from CommonSpirit (described below). As You Sow withdrew before any SEC response.

At Pfizer, an election spending and values congruency proposal from Tara Health, part of the Rhia campaign, earned 47.2 percent in 2021 after surviving an SEC challenge. But this year the company is arguing the proposal duplicates another it received first from the conservative National Center for Public Policy Research—which uses the same resolved clause but elsewhere in the proposal argues against disclosure. NCPPR takes issue with several topics supported by various candidates funded by the company, criticizing the company’s diversity approach and its support for candidates in favor of reproductive rights among other topics. (See Conservatives, p. 84.)

Social justice: The Nathan Cummings Foundation has a similar but more specific proposal at Dominion Energy, asking for a report on “if and how” its “political activities (direct and through trade associations) align with the Company’s stated commitment to social justice and racial equality. The report should also address the risks presented by any misalignment and the company’s plans, if any, to mitigate these risks.”

Lobbying Congruency

Racism: Clean Yield Asset Management proposes that CSX evaluate and report “describing whether, and how, CSX lobbying activities (direct and through trade associations and social welfare and nonprofit organizations), and any political contributions from the company or its PAC, align with the Company’s stated commitments to anti-racism.”

Access to healthcare: Three ICCR members have a new resolution at four drug companies, suggesting their lobbying efforts conflict with formal vision statements. Each asks for a “third party review within the next year” and specifies it covers both direct lobbying and that via trade associations; each also says the board “should report on how it addresses the risks presented by any misaligned lobbying and the company’s plans, if any, to mitigate these risks.” The proposals ask whether the companies’ lobbying activities align with their commitments:

SEC action—Gilead and Johnson & Johnson have filed challenges at the SEC. Gilead says it is about ordinary business because it mentions drug pricing in its supporting statement. Johnson & Johnson also contends it is ordinary business. Eli Lilly says its disclosures make the resolution moot but also that it duplicates a proposal it received first from Trinity Health on board oversight of drug pricing.

(Proposals that asks about drug companies’ pricing practices and related public policy influence efforts are covered in the section on Health, p. 58.)

Environmental Risks

The Shareholder Commons continues its focus on the impact of company activities on societal costs. It wants 3M to “commission and publish a report on (1) the link between the environmental costs created by 3M’s operations and political influence activities and 3M’s continuing prioritization of enterprise risk, and (2) the manner in which such costs and prioritization may affect the market returns available to its diversified shareholders.” The resolution says that while the CEO asserts 3M wants to be a sustainability leader, its actions belie this commitment because:

  • 3M is active in three trade associations that work against comprehensive U.S. policies to address climate change.

  • 3M does not appear to have committed to meet the Science-Based Targets initiative for a 1.5-degree Celsius world and failed to receive an “A” grade in 2020 from CDP, a widely used and respected climate rating.

  • Belgian regulators recently ordered 3M to stop PFAS production after recent blood samples taken from 800 people near 3M’s plant showed elevated levels of PFAS.

TSC concludes the company is overly focused on optimizing its financial position and is not taking needed action that broadly threatens the world.

Global Influence

PepsiCo faces a new resolution from Harrington Investments, which previously has filed proposals about the company’s sugary drinks. The resolution says the company should

annually issue a transparency report on global public policy and political influence, disclosing company expenditures and activities outside of the United States. Such report should disclose company funding and in-kind support directed to candidates or electioneering, lobbying, scientific advocacy, and charitable donations for the preceding year including:

  • recipients and amounts;

  • date and timeframe of the activity taking place

  • the Company’s membership in or payments to nongovernmental organizations including trade and business associations, scientific or academic organizations and charities.

  • the rationale for these activities.

The Board and management may, in its discretion, establish a de minimis threshold, such as contributions to an individual or organization totaling less than $250, below which itemized disclosures would not be required.

The company is arguing at the SEC that the proposal impermissibly consists of multiple requests by asking for information on political influence and charitable giving. PepsiCo says the two are unrelated. Unlike other political influence resolutions this one focuses on activity outside the United States, such as lobbying against food labeling regulations in Mexico.

Decent Work

Proposals about seeking more disclosure about fair pay and working conditions have risen from almost nothing 10 years ago to become a mainstay of proxy season. They blossomed during the Trump administration, dipped sharply last year, and now have surged to their highest level ever. Related proposals about diversity (covered in the next section) also have ballooned with the Black Lives Matter movement.

Context: The SEC is poised, by all acounts, to release a proposal soon about new disclosure requirements regarding human capital, some of which were initially set out by the Human Capital Management Coalition, representing 35 institutional investors who manage more than $6.6 trillion in assets. The group petitioned the SEC in 2017 to require more disclosure of information about a company’s workforce and human resources policies, which it says is needed to evaluate investment risks.

New issues: Notable this year are new resolutions about working conditions—many of them with uncertain outcomes at the SEC. Proposals raise fresh ideas about reporting on employee stock ownership and competetive approaches to employee pay, plus inequality and corporate financial priorities. Repeated are resolutions, at new recipients, about paying higher starting wages. New working conditions proposals asks about the use of concealment clauses, worker misclassifications in the supply chain, differential injury rates for people of color and women, accidents with replacement workers and pandemic safety protocols. Finally, sick leave proposals also have been filed, but all those filed last year were omitted on ordinary business grounds and they again face challenges at the SEC. (Tables, p. 50, 51, lists all 65 resolutions.)

Fair Pay

Most fair pay resolutions address compensation differentials between executives and employees (25 proposals), with some new angles this year, but another 10 continue to ask for more detailed reporting on differentials based on race and gender. Women, and women of color, continue to earn much less than their White male counterparts, but shareholder votes on pay disparity proposals have fallen from earlier levels.

Compensation

CEOs and employee stock ownership: The biggest group of resolutions presents a new angle for investors, asking companies to consider employee stock ownership plans alongside other elements of compensation when setting CEO pay, to build an “ownership culture.” Proposals are still pending at Chipotle Mexican Grill, Johnson & Johnson, Kellogg and Kimberly-Clark and ask each to:

take into consideration the pay grades, salary ranges, and stock ownership incentives (such as, but not limited to, stock grants, performance share units, employee stock purchase plans, restricted stock units, and options) of all classifications of Company employees in the United States when setting target amounts for CEO compensation. The committee should describe in the Company’s proxy statements for annual shareholder meetings how it complies with this requested policy. Compliance with this policy is excused where it will result in the violation of any existing contractual obligation or the terms of any existing compensation plan.

Withdrawals and SEC action—The proponent withdrew at Bank of America, Bristol Myers-Squibb and Goldman Sachs after each agreed to partially implement the proposal. Two other proposals were withdrawn after procedural challenges, at Edwards Lifesciences and IBM. At 3M, the resolution was omitted when the SEC agreed that earlier proposals failed to receive enough support; a pay disparity resolution from the United Steelworkers went to a vote three times and earned only 11 percent in 2021, below the 25 percent needed under new SEC rules.

General CEO disparity: Two other proposals about CEO pay are less specific. Jing Zhao resubmitted a proposal that earned 8.3 percent last year and wants AT&T and Applied Materials to “improve the executive compensation program and policy, such as to include the CEO pay ratio factor and voices from employees.” An early vote will occur on March 10 at Applied Materials. The proposal at AT&T survived an SEC challenge that argued it was too vague, as a similar proposal did in 2020 when it went on to win 8.7 percent support.

In addition, the AFL-CIO would like PPG Industries to “take into consideration the compensation of the Company’s employees and any other workforce that the Compensation Committee determines to be relevant to the Company’s business operations. It is new to the company.

Reporting on employee stock ownership: In addition to his proposals about CEO pay and stock ownership, James McRitchie also is pursing the idea of an “ownership culture” in another new proposal at five more companies. Still pending at Amazon.com, Meta Platforms, PetMed Express and Repligen, the proposal asks for a report

annually assessing the distribution of stock-based incentives throughout the workforce (such as but not limited to performance share units, employee stock purchase plans, restricted stock units, and options). The report should include a matrix, sorted by EEO-1 employee classification or another appropriate classification scheme with four or more categories chosen by the Committee, showing aggregate amounts of stock ownership granted and utilized by all U.S Company employees and including associated voting power, if any. The Committee should issue the report before or concurrent with the next annual proxy statement.

Withdrawal—James McRitchie withdrew at Nvidia after discussions.

SEC action— Amazon.com and Repligen both are arguing at the SEC that the proposal concerns ordinary business since it is primary about employee compensation despite references to broader societal concerns. Meta adds that this is a workforce management concern.

“Competitive” employee compensation: Two ICCR members are asking Dollar Tree and Kroger to address the tight labor market caused by the pandemic. At Dollar Tree, it seeks a report:

on risks to its business strategy in the face of increasing labor market pressure. The report should, at minimum, (1) explain how the Company’s forward-looking strategy and incentives will enable competitive employment standards, including wages, benefits and employee safety and (2) include particular attention to its lowest paid employees across geographies.

At Kroger, it is similar but asks about “the risks of increasing labor market pressures to its business plan. The report should address to what extent the Company’s workforce strategy includes competitive wage, benefit, and safety conditions for all its associates across all racial and gender demographics.”

SEC action—Dollar Tree is arguing this is an ordinary business issue since it is about employee compensation and workforce management.

Tipped wages: At two restaurant companies—Denny’s and Dine Brands—the focus also is on low wages. The resolution asks for a report on “the feasibility of increasing tipped workers’ starting wage to a full minimum wage, per state and federal levels, with tips on top to address worker retention issues and economic inequities.” This is a new resolution and so far neither company has lodged a challenge at the SEC.

Inequality and financial priorities: Continuing its concern about the societal costs of company action, The Shareholder Commons wants Marriott International and Tractor Supply to report on

(1) whether the Company participates in compensation and workforce practices that prioritize Company financial performance over the economic and social costs and risks created by inequality and racial and gender disparities and (2) the manner in which any such costs and risks threaten returns of diversified shareholders who rely on a stable and productive economy.

SEC action—Last year, Marriott persuaded the SEC a similar proposal was ordinary business, but the request was slightly different, seeking a report “on the external social costs created by the compensation policy of our company.” While Marriott has yet to lodge a challenge this year, Tractor Supply is arguing at the SEC that this year’s proposal also is ordinary business.

Detailed pay report: Individual Jan Ott faces an SEC challenge from JPMorgan Chase, which argues her proposal concerns workforce management and therefore is an ordinary business issue. The resolution asks for annual reports “of pay and total estimated compensation for each role, broken down by location, for the prior year giving the mean, median, and pay band (high/low) for the role, both weighted and unweighted for Cost of Living Adjustments (COLA).” (A gender/minority pay reporting resolution at the bank received 9.9 percent in 2020 and 31 percent in 2019. )

Race and Gender Pay Gaps

Median pay gap: Arjuna Capital and Proxy Impact have filed dozens of resolutions trying to persuade companies to report on differential pay rates for women and people of color, compared to White men. At first, they asked only about policies and goals “to reduce” the gap and companies started agreeing to do so. Later proposals sought data on the median pay gap that shows the extent to which higher-level employees are disproportionately White (and have higher pay). Common ground wasscarcer for this specific reporting and half of the 2020 votes were too low, missing resubmission thresholds. In 2021, votesrebounded, with a high of 40 percent at Microsoft and three others above 23 percent. This year has had strong early votes with 34.5 percent at Apple and 59.4 percent at Disney. The proposal is pending at six companies and asks for a report

on both median and adjusted pay gaps across race and gender, including associated policy, reputational, competitive, and operational risks, and risks related to recruiting and retaining diverse talent…. Racial/gender pay gaps are defined as the difference between non-minority and minority/male and female median earnings expressed as a percentage of non-minority/male earnings (Wikipedia/OECD, respectively).

The proposal has earned 34.5 percent at Apple and is pending at Amazon.com (where it earned 25.9 percent last year; this is the proposal’s fourth year), Best Buy, Chipotle Mexican Grill, CIGNA (32.6 percent last year; resubmitted for a fourth year) and Lowe’s.

Withdrawals—Arjuna Capital withdrew at Home Depot because it agreed to provide the requested information. In 2021, after two decades of proposals, Home Depot agreed to release its EEO-1 data on workforce composition by job category in response to a proposal from the New York City Comptroller. Proxy Impact also has withdrawn at Target because it will provide adjusted and unadjusted (median) pay gap data by gender for all employees globally and by race in the United States.

SEC action—SEC staff turned back a request to have the resolution omitted at Walt Disney. The company argued it could be omitted on ordinary business grounds because it is being sued in California. Separately, in 2021 Disney did agree to release its EEO-1 data and have a “deeper discussion” about other data such as recruitment, retention and promotion rates, prompting proponents to withdraw a resolution about diversity programs.

Race and pay: The Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration have returned to Walmart with a proposal that earned 12.7 percent last year. It asks that the company report “on whether and how Walmart’s racial justice goals and commitments align with the starting pay for all classifications of Walmart associates.”

Working Conditions

Just over two dozen resolutions are about working conditions, with several new angles. Companies have challenged many of them at the SEC, mostly arguing that conditions in the workplace are a matter of long-established ordinary business about which shareholders should not weigh in. Many of the new proposals about working conditions come from trade unions, which beg to differ about who should have input on working conditions, for obvious reasons.

Concealment clauses: The biggest single group of proposals was inspired by the common use of concealment clauses in employment contracts, which are widely known to suppress information about sexual harassment and other employment problems such as wage theft or discrimination. A growing number of large companies has stopped using mandatory arbitration for cases involving sexual harassment, because of these problems, but it is still common practice.

Three social investment firms are asking 10 companies to report, “assessing the potential risks to the company associated with its use of concealment clauses in the context of harassment, discrimination and other unlawful acts.” It is pending at Alphabet, Amazon.com, Etsy, IBM, Meta Platforms, Salesforce.com and Twitter. The vote at Apple was 50.0 percent.

SEC action—Earlier, the New York City Comptroller’s Office and trade unions in 2019 asked nine companies to end what they defined as “inequitable employment practices,” such as mandatory arbitration and non-disclosure agreements for employment related claims, including but not limited to sexual harassment. The SEC at the time agreed this was an ordinary business issue, saying it related “generally to the Company’s policies concerning its employees, and does not focus on an issue that transcends ordinary business matters.”


CONCEALING HARASSMENT AND DISCRIMIMNATION CLAIMS HINDERS DIVERSITY EFFORTS


MEREDITH BENTON

Principle, Whistle Stop Capital

KRISTIN HULL
Founder and CEO, Nia Impact Capital

In 2020, after George Floyd’s murder, we monitored many of the CEO statements and company pledges to support the Black Lives Matter movement and to increase their diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts. Now, in 2022, employees and investors want to see real progress on these pledges.

Particularly in this time of the Great Resignation (the current wave of people quitting jobs), investors want to see signs that companies are building and nurturing a positive and inclusive workplace culture. They especially want action from companies with policies and practices that hinder development of an inclusive and equitable work environment.


This year, in what seems to be a shift at the commission, Apple was unsuccessful in its effort to exclude the proposal on the grounds that it is ordinary business and moot. Challenges from Amazon.com and Etsy that argue company policies make the resolution moot have yet to be decided. (A proposal at Amazon in 2019 from the conservative National Legal and Policy Center at the company on sexual harassment earned 33.3 percent.)

Harassment and discrimination data: NYSCRF has a detailed request for data at Starbucks (where an early vote will occur on March 16). The proposal also is pending at Activision Blizzard and Tesla. It asks for an annual report,

describing and quantifying the effectiveness and outcomes of company efforts to prevent harassment and discrimination against protected classes of employees, including, but not limited to, sexual harassment and racial discrimination. In its discretion, the board may wish to consider including disclosures such as:

  1. the total number and aggregate dollar amount of disputes settled by the company related to sexual abuse or harassment or discrimination based on race, religion, sex, national origin, age, disability, genetic information, service member status, gender identity, or sexual orientation;

  2. the average length of time it takes to resolve harassment complaints, the total number of pending harassment or discrimination complaints the company is seeking to resolve through internal processes or through litigation; and

  3. whether the company uses nondisclosure or mandatory arbitration clauses in employment agreements, the company’s assessment as to any negative effects on workers’ ability to seek redress, and whether any exceptions are provided for harassment and discrimination matters.

This Report should not include the names of accusers or details of their settlements without their consent and should be prepared at a reasonable cost and omit any information that is proprietary, privileged, or violative of contractual obligations.

Safe and inclusive workplace: Arjuna Capital has filed a resolution at Comcast like one that earned 22 percent last year and 13.1 percent in 2020. It asks for a report “assessing the effectiveness of the company’s workplace sexual harassment policies, including the results of a comprehensive, independent audit/investigation, analysis of policies and practices, and commitments to create a safe, inclusive work environment.”

Mandatory arbitration: The Nathan Cummings Foundation has reached agreements and withdrawn a proposal asking three financial companies—Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase and Morgan Stanley—to report on their use of mandatory arbitration. The resolution asked for a report by the third quarter of this year, omitting personal data,

on the impact of the use of mandatory arbitration on [the company’s] employees and workplace culture. The report should evaluate the impact of [the company’s] current use of arbitration on the prevalence of harassment and discrimination in its workplace and on employees’ ability to seek redress.

While the resolution is new to Morgan Stanley, it earned 53.2 percent of shares cast in 2021 at Goldman Sachs. JPMorgan agreed to conduct the requested investigation this year and so did Goldman, which had argued the resolution was moot because of its report.

Worker misclassification: The SOC Investment Group and the Teamsters have a new proposal at five companies—Best Buy, Lowe’s, Target, TJX and Urban Outfitters—about the risks of worker misclassification in their product supply chains, taking note of a new California law that aims to curb the practice in its ports, which are key link for goods entering the country from Asian manufacturers. It wants a report

on the financial, reputational, and human rights risks resulting from the use in the Company’s supply chain and distribution networks of companies that misclassify employees as independent contractors. The report should be…available at least 90 days prior to the 2023 annual shareholders meeting.

All but Urban Outfitters have lodged challenges at the SEC. The companies make several arguments about why the proposal is an ordinary business issue, saying it can be excluded because it concerns supplier relationships or standards, legal compliance or litigation, assessment of government regulations, workforce management, employee compensation, or workplace safety and working conditions. Best Buy also says the resolution is too vague.

Safety audit: Proponents filed two new but similar resolutions about worker safety at Amazon.com:

  • Domini Social Investments asked it to

commission an independent third-party audit on workplace health and safety, evaluating:

  • productivity quotas,

  • surveillance practices, and

  • the effects of these practices on injury rates and turnover.

The audit should be conducted with input from employees, experts in workplace safety and surveillance, and other relevant stakeholders; informed by recent state legislation; and address regulatory inquiry, and media coverage.

  • Tulipshare, the new U.K.-based shareholder advocacy firm, asks for essentially the same thing, requesting “an independent audit and report of the working conditions and treatment that Amazon warehouse workers face, including the impact of its policies, management.”

SEC action—The company has lodged challenges at the SEC, arguing both proposals are about ordinary business. Amazon further argues that if the SEC disagrees with its ordinary business argument that it should be able to exclude the Domini proposal because it was received first and the two are duplicative. (A similar proposal about worker health and safety in the Covid-19 pandemic was omitted on ordinary business grounds in 2021, as was a 2020 proposal about accident prevention.)

Differential injury rates: Also at Amazon.com is another new proposal from the New York City Comptroller’s office, although the company has lodged an SEC challenge arguing it duplicates another proposal it received first seeking a racial justice audit. The proposal asks for a report

examining whether Amazon’s health and safety practices give rise to any racial and gender disparities in workplace injury rates among its warehouse workers and the impact of any such disparities on the long-term earnings and career advancement potential of female and minority warehouse workers. Among other things, the report shall include lost time injury rates for all warehouse workers, broken down by race, gender and ethnicity.

Human capital management: Still another proposal at Amazon.com, from the United Auto Workers Retirees’ Medical Benefit Trust, voices concerns similar to those at Dollar Tree and Kroger on competitive employee compensation. The Amazon proposal is broader, however. It discusses the various challenges brought on by the Covid-19 pandemic and asks for a report

on the risks to the Company related to ensuring adequate staffing of Amazon’s business and operations, including risks associated with tighter labor markets, and how Amazon is mitigating or plans to mitigate those risks. The report should include a discussion of the extent to which Amazon relies on part-time, temporary and contracted workers in each of its three operating segments, and whether staffing considerations have affected any of Amazon’s decisions about strategy, such as expansion plans or entering new geographies or lines of business.

Amazon is arguing at the SEC that this is a matter of ordinary business but also duplicates a proposal from the AFL-CIO about the pandemic’s impact on diversity. (See p. 57 under Diversity at Work.)

Replacement workers and safety: The AFL-CIO has a new proposal at ExxonMobil about accidents and replacement workers, asking for a report “on flaring events and the risk of industrial accidents that may arise from the use of temporary replacement workers.” The company says this is a matter of workplace management and ordinary business. ExxonMobil also contends the problem is a personal grievance because an AFL-CIO affiliated union, the United Steelworkers, was affected by a worker lockout in May 2021 that the proposal says created safety risks.

Pandemic safety: Safety also was on the mind of an individual proponent, Stephen C. Stubberud, who saw his proposal asking Walt Disney to establish pandemic-related safety protocols omitted on procedural grounds (he failed to prove his stock ownership). The resolution said, “Since management is so important to the continued success of the Walt Disney Company, special COVID-19 safety protocols shall be implemented,” and went on to provide a detailed set of suggested actions that included immediately firing any employee who declined to be vaccinated and banning such employees from ever working for the company again.

Benefits

Paid sick leave: Last year several proposals asked for a report on extending pandemic paid sick leave benefits, but six were omitted on ordinary business grounds. Proponents nonetheless are trying again in 2022. The proposal is pending at CVS Health, Home Depot, Kroger and Target

to adopt and publicly disclose a policy that all employees, part- and full-time, accrue some amount of PSL that can be used after working at Amazon for a reasonable probationary period. This policy should not expire after a set time or depend upon the existence of a global pandemic.

Withdrawal—The United Church Funds withdrew at Amazon.com after it learned the company already discloses its paid time off policies.

SEC action—CVS Health has lodged a challenge at the SEC, arguing it is ordinary business.

Diversity in the workplace

Shareholder proponents responded last year to the Black Lives Matter movement by filing many more resolutions asking for disclosure of diversity in the workplace and in executive positions. They ended up withdrawing most of the requests that asked for a more diverse workforce, but remain interested this year in data on how companies manage programs that aim to root out racism. The number of proposals has dropped back from the 70 filed last year but is still high compared to previous years. Iniitial indications suggest that the high number of withdrawals last year will be replicated in 2022, since companies appear eager to show their commitments have teeth.

Proponents include most prominently As You Sow, the New York City and State pension funds and social investment firms.

(Proposals on gender/minority pay equity are in the Decent Work section above, p. 49. Board Diversity is in the Sustainable Governance section below (p. 74).


DATA TRANSPARENCY KEY TO IMPROVING DIVERSITY, EQUITY AND INCLUSION IN THE WORKPLACE


STEPHANIE RIVERS

Master of Public Affairs Candidate at UC Berkeley; Consultant, Whistle Stop Capital

As the great resignation rages on and businesses struggle to retain top talent, shareholders argue that more transparency about diversity and inclusion data will help companies drive need advancements in social and racial equity. Some 65 shareholder proposals this year seek information on decent work, and another four dozen ask for workforce diversity data. Companies with boards reluctant to share insights on workforce recruitment, retention, and promotion by gender, race, and ethnicity are missing an opportunity. More transparency could build trust with investors and current employees and identify gaps and needed systemic fixes.


Analysis of diversity programs: Seventeen companies (see table, p. 56) face pending proposals asking them to provide more information annually about their diversity programs and outcomes. Five are resubmissions that earned substantial support in 2021, including two majorities: Berkshire Hathaway (27.1 percent), Charter Communications (41.4 percent), Union Pacific (81.4 percent), United Parcel Service (33.7 percent) and American Express (59.7 percent).

Resolution at 12 firms seek a report “on the outcomes of the Company’s diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts” through “quantitative data on workforce composition, and recruitment, retention, and promotion rates of employees by gender, race, and ethnicity.”

Variations—At Charter Communications, it specifies the report should cover “the process that the Board follows for assessing the effectiveness of its diversity, equity and inclusion programs,” as well as its assessment of their effectiveness” with data on “goals, metrics, and trends related” for “promotion, recruitment, and retention of protected classes of employees.” Zoom Video Communications is similar: the company also should report on its “diversity, equity and inclusion policies.”

Compensation—The Electronic Arts resolution uses the Charter language noted above and adds to it a request for pay data broken down “by gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, age, disability and veteran status.”

At Monster Beverage and Take-Two Interactive, NYSCRF includes an explicit reference to standards in California, saying the report should cover

recruitment, retention and promotion rates of employees by gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, age, disability and veteran status. Disclosure of consolidated EEO-1 reporting as required by the Department of Labor and consolidated pay and hours-worked reporting required by the California Department of Fair Employment and Housing would provide reliable, comparable data to investors.

Withdrawals—Proponents have withdrawn at seven companies after agreements (see table, p. 56).

SEC action—NextEra Energy has challenged the proposal at the SEC, arguing the proponent did not prove stock ownership and that the resolution is moot. Another pending challenge comes from Salesforce.com, which also says there is a procedural problem, while additionally saying that the resolution duplicates a racial justice audit resolution it received first, and the proponent impermissibly filed another proposal. SEC disagreed with Pfizer’s view that its current reports make the proposal moot.

EEO-1 data reporting: The NYC Comptroller is again spearheading a big push for corporate disclosure of the annual EEO-1 forms provided to the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), although the recipients have yet to be made public. The forms classify employees by race, gender and ethnicity in 10 standard job categories and their data allow company comparisons, although some argue the EEOC categories are not sufficiently tailored to their operations. Many companies provide information about their commitments to diversity and programs for employees and they have become much more likely to disclose EEO-1 data.

Pending proposals include those at Activision Blizzard, Charter Communications (where it earned 40.7 percent last year), Kroger and ten more. The proposal asks that each “disclose on its website the annual Consolidated EEO-1 Report that it is required to submit annually to the U.S Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC).” Some specify that the disclosure should occur no more than 60 days after it is submitted to the EEOC.

Withdrawals—Boston Trust Walden reached agreement and withdrew at Dollar General and has withdrawn at SEI Investments. Nine more resolutions also have been withdrawn after agreements.

Racism: NorthStar Asset Management has resubmitted a proposal to Intel (where it received 11.3 percent last year) and PayPal (11.9 percent). It asks for an independent audit on “whether written policies or unwritten norms at Intel reinforce racism in company culture, and report to shareholders on planned remedies the Board intends to take in response.” It suggests the report could examine if “policies or unwritten norms” do either of the following:

  • Yield inequitable outcomes for employees based on race and ethnicity in patterns of hiring and retention, promotion, and upward mobility; disciplinary action; determining factors for allocation of “stretch assignments”; formal or informal sponsorship and mentorship; and employee usage of benefits, aggregated by company role and/or business unit;

  • Establish a cultural hierarchy through perceived pressure to code-switch in appearance, demeanor, word choice, or other suppressions of cultural identity.

The proposal quotes the definition of structural racism used by the National Museum of African American History and Culture and argues that ending racism would yield substantial economic benefits. (See Human Rights section, p. 61, for racial justice audit proposals.)

Pandemic and diversity impact: The AFL-CIO has a new proposal at Amazon.com that asks about the pandemic’s impact on workforce diversity. It asks the company to report on

workforce turnover rates and the effects of labor market changes that have resulted from the coronavirus disease (“COVID-19”) pandemic. The report should assess the impact of the Company’s workforce turnover on the Company’s diversity, equity and inclusion.

Amazon is arguing at the SEC that this is an ordinary business matter because it is about workforce management, but it also says the proposal duplicates another it received first seeking a racial justice audit.

Goals for diversity improvement: Trillium Asset Management wants IntercontinentalExchange to “set public company-wide, quantitative, and time-bound targets to increase the representation of minorities, particularly at the managerial and senior levels of the company.”

Executive diversity: Trillium has been working to persuade companies to make their upper echelon jobs more diverse for several years. It has withdrawn a proposal after an agreement at Ormat Technologies. It had sought a report on the company’s “assessment of the current state of its management team diversity and if and how it plans to make the company’s management team more diverse in terms of race, ethnicity, and gender.”

Further, a proponent has withdrawn a proposal asking for improved top management diversity at three companies that have yet to be named publicly.

Human Rights

After the Black Lives Matter movement blossomed following the May 2020 murder of George Floyd in Minnesota, shareholder proponents shifted the bulk of their focus in proxy season to racial justice. Proposals last year started asking companies to examine how they may perpetuate or combat systemic racism, long the scourge of American society, and these proposals have multiplied for 2022. At the same time, proponents continue to raise longstanding concerns about setting standards and reporting on how they address human rights, often in far flung global supply chains. Proposals continue, too, about how companies control electronic media and its content, a vexing challenge that heightens our already fraught body politic. Also at issue is the struggle to combat authoritarianism around the globe. (Top graph.)

Human rights proposals have jumped more than 40 percent over last year and 75 are now set for votes, with just one omission to date and three withdrawals. Twenty face outstanding SEC challenges. Racial justice proposals have more than doubled to 51, up from 22 last year.

With human rights, companies and proponents seem to have a harder time reaching common ground compared to many other topis, and the number that go to votes tracks closely with the number withdrawn. (Graph, right.)

Proponents in the past have mainly come from the membership of the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, but the SOC Investment Group (formerly Change to Win or CtW), working with trade unions, has been a key driver of racial justice resolutions.

Racism & Indigenous Rights


GROWING SUPPORT FOR RACIAL JUSTICE AUDITS


NADIRA NARINE

Senior Program Director, Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility

Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility (ICCR) members have a long history of supporting calls for diversity and justice, including respect for the rights of Indigenous Peoples and addressing the negative impacts of policies and practices on communities of color. ICCR-member proposal filings on racial justice issues continue to grow and are the second-most frequently filed category of resolutions for 2022, largely because of 32 resolutions that ask for racial equity audits (REAs) and civil rights audits (CRAs). We see these as connected to other proposals about the negative racial justice impacts of employment practices, including those that seek improved representation in the workplace and better pay.


Racial Justice/Civil Rights Audits

Last year most resolutions seeking racial justice audits went to financial firms the proponents considered systemically important, each with a legacy of discriminatory practices. The campaign has branched out to encompass not only financial players, but also retailers, food purveyors, healthcare companies, industrial and materials firms, the tech sector and utilities.

All but six of the 2022 proposals are at new recipients. Votes last year were at Amazon.com (44.2 percent), Goldman Sachs (31.4 percent), Home Depot (13.3 percent), Johnson & Johnson (33.9 percent), Oracle (31.8 percent) and Wells Fargo (13.1 percent).

The proponents take note of various types of systemic racism and company connections to it, noting public company commitments but also deep underrepresentation for people of color in upper-level jobs. They argue addressing racism will make companies better run and more profitable, as well as more equitable and just. Some cite findings from As You Sow’s Racial Justice Scorecard that compares company policies. Proposals also name specific stakeholder groups to consult.

All seek external expertise and advice for steps companies should take.

Promote justice: As You Sow has the pithiest version, asking Entergy and Martin Marietta each simply to report on their plans “to promote racial justice.”

Civil rights, equity, diversity and inclusion business impact: With slight variations proponents ask Dollar General, Amazon.com (a repeat) Chipotle Mexican Grill, Dollar Tree, Match Group and Salesforce.com to commission and report on

a racial equity audit analyzing [the company’s] impacts on civil rights, equity, diversity and inclusion, and the impacts of those issues on [the company’s] business. The audit may, in the board’s discretion, be conducted by an independent third party with input from civil rights organizations, employees, communities in which [the company] operates and other stakeholders.


CHANGING CORPORATE ATTITUDES ON RACIAL JUSTICE


OLIVIA KNIGHT
Racial Justice Initiative Manager, As You Sow

After George Floyd’s murder in May 2020, stakeholders in public companies asked management and boards what they could do about racial injustice. Without any metrics to define best practices and separate leaders from laggards, there was no way to measure and therefore manage this critical social issue. To fill this gap, As You Sow developed two interlocking scorecards on Racial Justice and Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) that cover the Russell 1000. We developed 57 Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) to guide companies on the path to achieve racial equity inside their organizations and establish a standard, supporting dozens of related shareholder engagements and resolutions.


Community impacts: The resubmissions at Oracle and Wells Fargo ask each board to “oversee a racial equity audit analyzing [the company’s] impacts on non-white stakeholders and communities of color,” with input from “civil rights organizations and employees” about “the specific matters to be analyzed.” This proposal also is pending at Alphabet, where it suggests additional stakeholders include “temporary vendors and contractors,” while at Verizon Communications it is the same but mentions “contractors.”

At nine more companies—(repeats at Goldman Sachs and Home Depot and newly at Invesco, Maximus, Mondelēz International, Southern, Stericycle, Valero and Pfizer)—it asks for the same thing but adds “customers” to the list of stakeholders. At Comcast, the proposal notes the company settled race and pay discrimination cases with the U.S. Department of Labor in 2020. At Maximus and Home Depot, it includes a carveout to exclude matters in litigation.

Civil right policy and impact: A grab bag of companies—Apple, McDonald’s, Uber Technologies, Waste Management and XPO Logistics—is asked about the “adverse impact of [the company’s] policies and practices on the civil rights of company stakeholders,” with “recommendations for improving the company’s civil rights impact” after input “from civil rights organizations, employees, and customers.”

SEC action—McDonald’s says the resolution is ordinary business because it is being sued about alleged civil rights violations. (The proposal does not include a litigation carveout like some others.)

Products and services: At another four companies—Anthem, LHC Group, SVB Financial and Travelers—the request also is for a report on improvements, but regarding “policies, practices, products and services.” This is the first human rights proposal at Anthem and the first-ever at LHC, which provides health services to government assistance program recipients in the American South. The resolution is also new to SVB Financial, although Trillium Asset Management withdrew a resolution there after it agreed to assess and report on executive diversity in 2020.

Johnson & Johnson is asked simply about “improving the racial impacts of its policies, practices and products.” The proposal says, “Healthcare companies have a history with and ongoing struggle to address disparate racial impacts,” and takes note of controversies and litigation about the company’s talcum powder, which it stopped selling domestically in 2020 but continues to sell elsewhere. The proposal comments, “Claims that it aggressively marketed to Black and Brown women after its talc supplier included the WHO’s “possibly carcinogenic” label on shipments are troubling.” It also notes criticism that company has faced about its Covid-19 vaccine distribution decisions. (A similar iteration of the proposal last year earned 34 percent support.) (See p. 61 for a proposal at Johnson & Johnson seeking an end its talcum powder sales.)

The Sisters of St. Francis of Philadelphia are more expansive at Altria. Like others, the proposal requests a “third-party civil rights equity audit” but it also asks that the review

assess the impact of the Company’s policies, practices, products and services on BIPOC (Black, Indigenous and people of color) and Latinx/a/o/e communities, including youth. Input from civil rights organizations, employees, customers, and communities in which Altria operates and other stakeholders should be considered.

SEC action—The SEC disagreed that the Johnson & Johnson proposal duplicates another it received first from the conservative National Center for Public Policy Research, which asks about the risks of a racial justice audit while using language in favor of racial justice audits, which it does not support. (See Conservatives, p. 85.)

Travelers says the proposal is ordinary business, would be illegal, cannot be implemented, and is both too vague and false and misleading. The company did agree to release detailed diversity data on its employees in 2020, following a 2020 resolution that earlier earned 50.9 percent in 2019.

Environmental Justice

Differential impacts: Five proposals discuss “environmental justice.” At American Water Works the proposal raises a specific concern about low-income residents who would be affected by a desalinization plant and asks for a third-party audit “which assesses and produces recommendations for improving the racial impacts of its policies, practices, products, and services” with contributions “from stakeholders, including civil rights organizations, employees, and customers” to determine the issues examined.

A 2021 request for an environmental justice report at Chevron was omitted on ordinary business grounds after the company noted it was being sued on the subject. This year, proponents have resubmitted to Chevron a similar version seeking

an independent racial equity audit, analyzing if, and how, Chevron’s policies and practices discriminate against or disparately impact communities of color. The report should clearly identify, and recommend steps to eliminate, business activities that further systemic racism, environmental injustice, threaten civil rights, or present barriers to diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI). Input from impacted workers, community members, customers, or other relevant stakeholders should inform the audit and report.

The resolution notes that the report “should exclude confidential and proprietary information, as well as information relevant to any pending legal proceeding or threatened proceeding of which Chevron has notice.” Proponents also have filed this proposal at Dow for the first time.

At 3M and Chemours, NYSCRF has a similar but more detailed version, asking for a report:

on environmental justice, updated annually, describing its efforts, above and beyond legal and regulatory compliance, to identify and reduce heightened environmental and health impacts from its operations on communities of color and low-income communities. The report should be prepared at a reasonable cost and omit confidential or legally privileged information, including litigation strategy, and should be publicly disclosed on [the company’s] website. Such a report should consider, at board and management discretion:

  • Past, present, and future disparities in environmental and health impacts from its operations;

  • Any [company] policy statements or commitments on environmental justice;

  • How responsibilities are allocated within the company for governance and management of environmental justice issues;

  • Quantitative metrics on impacts and a qualitative discussion as to how this information informs business decisions;

  • How [the company] communicates any commitment to environmental justice to the communities in which it operates;

  • Any initiatives, engagements or investments in environmental justice communities;

  • Whether [the company] intends to adjust it policies and practices in the future.

At Republic Services, a trash and recycling firm that has yet to consider such a resolution, the focus is on environmental impacts, seeking “a third-party environmental justice audit (within reasonable time and cost) which assesses the heightened racial impacts of Republic Services’ operations and produces recommendations for improving them,” with input from civil rights groups and “affected community members.”

Risk consultation: The Franciscan Sisters of Allegheny, N.Y., and As You Sow are concerned about how companies’ environmental impacts disproportionately affect the communities in which they operate, noting this generally means disadvantaged communities of color. There are two similar proposals. At Honeywell International, the resolution asks for a report on its

due diligence process to identify and address environmental and social risks related to emissions, spills, or discharges from Honeywell’s operations and value chain. The report should:

  • Explain the types and extent of stakeholder consultation; and

  • Address Honeywell’s plans to track effectiveness of measures to assess, prevent, mitigate, and remedy adverse impacts on the environment and human health.

At Kinder Morgan, the proposal asks for “a public report quantifying emissions released from its facilities that impact local communities and describe how the company intends to address and reduce such community impacts from its operations.”

SEC challenge—Kinder Morgan says its current reporting makes the resolution moot and As You Sow, which had filed on behalf of Warren Wilson College, withdrew before any SEC response.

Indigenous Rights

A proposal at Citigroup and Wells Fargo raises concerns about policies about indigenous peoples, seeking a report “outlining how effective” current “policies, practices, and performance indicators are in respecting internationally recognized human rights standards for Indigenous Peoples’ rights in its existing and proposed general corporate and project financing.” The issue last went to a vote at Citigroup in 2018, when a proposal asking for a policy earned 5.8 percent. At Wells Fargo, it expresses concern about the company’s financing of pipelines on indigenous lands. Both companies do have policies about respecting indigenous rights.


PIPELINE FINANCE AND RESPECT FOR INDIGENOUS RIGHTS


KATE R. FINN

First Peoples Worldwide

JILLIANNE LYON
Investor Advocates for Social Justice

Oil is already flowing through the Enbridge Line 3 tar sands pipeline, a project that has been subject to several years of protest, litigation, and opposition led by Indigenous Peoples and Indigenous-led organizations. Line 3, recently renamed “Line 93,” doubles the pipeline’s previous capacity, transporting 760,000 barrels of oil a day from Alberta, Canada, to Wisconsin – traveling through Anishinaabe territory in the process. Pipelines like Line 3 violate numerous rights of Indigenous Peoples as protected by international law, including the rights to free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC); health; culture; religion; security; and assembly. In particular, these pipelines threaten the quality of water needed for growing manoomin, or wild rice, a critical cultural resource for the Anishinaabe.


Software

Parnassus Investments has withdrawn a new resolution at Cerner, a healthcare technology and services firm, which asked for a report “assessing the racial equity impacts of the algorithmic systems used in its products and services.” The proposal raised concerns about how artificial intelligence (AI) can slant health care delivery and Parnassus withdrew when the company agreed to report about its AI principles on fairness and transparency.

Policing

Arjuna last year saw a proposal about underwriting police departments with racist practices at Chubb omitted because the SEC agreed it was not significantly related to the company’s business. Arjuna is trying again at Travelers, although the company is arguing at the SEC the subject is ordinary business (since it concerns product offerings and could affect litigation strategy), is not significantly related to Travelers and is false and misleading. The company notes several ongoing civil rights cases involving Travelers to bolster its point on litigation strategy. The resolution seeks a report

on current company policies and practices, and options for changes to such policies, to help ensure its insurance offerings reduce and do not increase the potential for racist police brutality, nor associate our brand with police violations of civil rights and liberties. The report should assess related reputational, competitive, operational, and financial risks, and be prepared at reasonable cost, omitting proprietary, privileged or prejudicial information.

Risks and Impacts

Eleven more proposals reprise oft-expressed concerns about human rights policies and impact, another 10 focus on electronic media content and control, three specifically address doing business in conflict zones and two are about weapons. Most recipients have seen similar resolutions before.

(A resolution from the National Legal and Policy Center seeking a report from Walt Disney about its human rights policy in China is covered in the section on Conservatives, p. 85. It addresses controversy over filming the Mulan movie in Xinjiang province in China. Another proposal from NLPC asks General Motors about labor concerns in the supply chain for electric vehicle components.)


MANDATORY HUMAN RIGHTS AND ENVIRONMENTAL DUE DILIGENCE IS GOOD FOR INVESTORS AND BUSINESS


PATRICIA JUREWICZ

Founder and Chief Executive Officer, Responsible Sourcing Network

REBECCA DEWINTER-SCHMITT
Associate Program Director, Investor Alliance for Human Rights

When done responsibly, business can be a driving force for prosperity and inclusive economic development. Yet, far too often, companies in many different sectors harm people and planet in their operations or value chains.

Referencing the widely-accepted UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGP), a growing number of investors are telling portfolio companies that they have a responsibility to respect human rights. They say the process of continuously conducting human rights due diligence is a core requirement for companies to fulfill that responsibility. The UNGP define human rights due diligence as an ongoing and iterative process to identify, prevent, mitigate, and account for how companies – and investors – address the most severe risks to people in connection with business activities.


Policy and Implementation

High risk products and services: Two different orders of Franciscan Sisters have proposals at three defense companies—General Dynamics, Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman—asking for a report on their “human rights due diligence process to identify, assess, prevent, mitigate, and remedy actual and potential human rights impacts associated with high-risk products and services, including those in conflict-affected areas.” Last year the proposal earned 32.1 percent Lockheed; a similar resolution at General Dynamics received 37.9 percent in 2013.

SEC action—Northrop Grumman has lodged what seems likely to be a successful challenge; the company notes the proposal earned 22.4 percent last year in its third year and needed 25 percent to qualify for resubmission.

Human rights impact assessments of ads and guns: Two proposals seek reports for different reasons:

  • Mercy Investments wants Meta Platforms (the former Facebook) to commission an

independent third-party Human Rights Impact Assessment (HRIA), examining the actual and potential human rights impacts of Facebook’s targeted advertising policies and practices throughout its business operations. omit information relevant to litigation or enforcement actions; and be published on the company’s website by June 1, 2023.

SEC action—The company has lodged what looks likely to be a successful challenge at the SEC, arguing a previous similar proposal missed the resubmission threshold. In 2015 a similar proposal received only 1.6 percent support, although it did attract an unusually large number of abstaining votes. Meta also says it is ordinary business because it concerns products.

  • CommonSpirit Health wants the impact assessment at Sturm, Ruger to make “recommendations for improving the human rights impacts of its policies, practices and products,” with input from “human rights organizations, employees, and customers.” Earlier, a proposal seeking a policy on gun safety and harm mitigation received notably high support of 68.9 percent in 2018.

Supply chains: Three proposals ask about human and labor rights in supply chains, at home and abroad:

  • China—Investors at Apple gave 33.7 percent support to a proposal from SumOfUs that survived an SEC challenge arguing it was moot. It raises new concerns about forced labor in China and the Uyghur people. The resolution asked for a public report

on the extent to which Apple’s policies and procedures effectively protect workers in its supply chain from forced labor, including the extent to which Apple has identified suppliers and sub-suppliers that are at significant risk for forced labor violations, the number of suppliers against which Apple has taken corrective action due to such violations, and the availability and use of grievance mechanisms to compensate affected workers.

SumOfUs is concerned about forced labor in Apple’s supply chain, particularly in China where the government has used Uyghur and Turkish Muslim people in forced labor camps and practices what some have called “crimes against humanity” and “genocide.” The proponent points out that nine of Apple’s suppliers have recently been accused of participating in the Chinese government’s forced labor program, and that the company had to terminate its relationship with one of these firms for similar reasons. Apple says it already provides enough information on the issue and that numerous reviews in recent years have found no evidence of forced labor. The company has a global human rights policy and a supplier code of conduct. It also publishes an annual progress report on its supply chain management efforts, including assessments and big-picture performance measures. Despite the wealth of information, some key gaps remain, including what percentage of its supplier universe Apple assesses each year. (A second proposal expressing similar concerns from the conservative NLPC was omitted on the grounds it duplicated SumOfUs. SumOfUs also has a resolution at Alphabet on China—see p. 72).

  • Africa—The American Baptist Church addresses the supply of chocolate at Hershey asking for a report within a year on “if, and how, Hershey’s living wage position statement and planned implementation steps will put the company on course to eradicate child labor in all forms from the company’s West African cocoa supply chain by 2025.”

SEC action: The company has lodged a challenge at the SEC, arguing the proposal is moot. The same proponent withdrew a 2018 proposal about supply chain standards after Hershey agreed to review its policies and conduct an ethical trade audit.

  • Vulnerable U.S. workers and Uyghurs—At TJX, where NorthStar Asset Management raises concerns about the domestic and foreign supply chain, this year’s request is for a “third-party assessment and report to shareholders… assessing the effectiveness of current company due diligence in preventing forced, child, and prison labor in TJX’s supply chain.” The proposal notes the company’s vendor code does not require routine factory audits of its 21,000 vendors in more than 100 countries, it scored poorly on the World Benchmarking Alliance’s assessment of compliance with UN principles, and has yet to take steps to avoid Uyghur forced labor, or to address undocumented worker abuses in the U.S. garment industry or incarcerated workers.

NorthStar saw a prison labor proposal omitted in 2021 on ordinary business grounds but a similar resolution in 2019 earned 38.8 percent. The Priests of the Sacred Heart withdrew a human rights risk assessment proposal in 2020 after it received 39 percent the year before.

Protections during the pandemic: Domini Social Investments is focused on North American farmworkers in Kroger’s supply chain, the focus of shareholder resolutions for years. It asks how well its human rights policy has protected them,

from human rights violations, including forced labor, sexual assault, heat exhaustion, and COVID-19. This report should detail any mechanisms similar to the Fair Food Program, including:

  • Whether Kroger has required its North American produce suppliers (“Suppliers”) to implement COVID-19 worker safety and heat stress prevention protocols (“Safety Protocols”), and, if so, the content of those Safety Protocols;

  • The number of times Kroger suspended a Supplier for violating the Statement or Safety Protocols, and the specific grounds for each such suspension;

  • A list of the total number of Supplier locations purchased from, how often Kroger social compliance audits were conducted on-site at each such location, and the number of farmworkers personally interviewed there by the auditor;

  • Whether Kroger ensured its Suppliers’ farmworkers had access to a third-party grievance mechanism, with the authority to order a remedy, for reporting Statement or Safety Protocol violations, and, if so, the required procedures, number of such grievances filed, and outcomes of all such grievances.

A more general but similar proposal earned 44.7 percent support in 2020. Earlier, the company agreed to strengthen supply chain auditing after votes of 24.9 percent in 2016, 30.8 percent in 2015 and 38.8 percent in 2014.

Stakeholders and labor rights: SHARE has a new resolution at Amazon.com, asking for a

report analyzing how Amazon’s current human rights policies and practices protect the rightful application of the fundamental rights of freedom of association and collective bargaining as guaranteed by the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The report should include information on whether, and if so how, input from affected stakeholders was taken into account.

Media Content and Control

Investors have been concerned about the ills of electronic media since the dawn of the Internet, noting risks associated with how repressive governments control media platforms, misuse technology and threaten privacy, and how social media can spread hate speech and foment and publicize violence. Proposals this year again highlight these persistent problems but also raise new questions about algorithms and the “metaverse” concept.

Surveillance: Two resolutions again take up different aspects of surveillance problems at Amazon.com. The first, a resubmission that earned 35.3 percent last year, comes from the Sisters of St. Joseph of Brentwood and asks for an independent report “assessing Amazon’s process for customer due diligence, to determine whether customers’ use of its surveillance and computer vision products or cloud-based services contributes to human rights violations.”

The other, from Harrington Investments, is focused for the fourth year in a row on Rekognition, Amazon’s facial recognition system. Last year it earned 34.3 percent, its highest vote yet. It seeks an independent report by September on:

  • The extent to which such technology may endanger, threaten or violate privacy and/ or civil rights, and unfairly or disproportionately target or surveil people of color, immigrants and activists in the United States;

  • The extent to which such technologies may be marketed and sold to authoritarian or repressive governments, including those identified by the United States Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights Practices;

  • The potential loss of good will and other financial risks associated with these human rights issues;

Nvidia faces its first human rights proposal, from the Presbyterian Church (USA), which notes the company provides products and services to customers in conflict zones, including in the Uyghur region in China, occupied Palestinian territory, Saudi Arabia, and autonomous vehicles used by the U.S. military. The church wants an independent report on the company’s

customer due diligence process to determine whether customers’ use of its products or services with surveillance technology and artificial intelligence (AI) capability or of its components that support autonomous military and police vehicles, contributes to human rights harms.

Censorship: Azzad Asset Management is taking the lead on government censorship proposals. It has sponsored a proposal now in its third year that asks Alphabet to report “assessing the feasibility of publicly disclosing on an annual basis, by jurisdiction, the list of delisted, censored, downgraded, proactively penalized, or blacklisted terms, queries or sites that the company implements in response to government requests.” The proposal earned 13.3 percent last year and 11.4 percent in 2020.

A similar proposal has earned 33.9 percent at Apple having asked it to

revise the Company’s Transparency Reports to provide clear explanations of the number and categories of app removals from the app store, in response to or in anticipation of government requests, that may reasonably be expected to limit freedom of expression or access to information. Such revision may exclude proprietary or legally privileged information.

Azzad focused on the company’s role in suppressing citizens’ freedom of expression in China, noting its cooperation with the government in its work against democracy activists. Apple publishes mostly quantitative data on government requests for customer data and app removals, twice a year, but not historical data on app removals or meaningful qualitative details. Only a handful of governments request app removals, according to Apple’s disclosure, and China tops the list in the number of requests. Apple argues that engagement over absence in challenging markets makes sense.

SEC action—The SEC turned back a no-action request from Apple, disagreeing its current reports make the resolution moot. Earlier, a resolution about free speech and human rights at Apple earned 40.6 percent in 2020.

Problematic content: Meta Platforms faces a proposal slightly different than election-related content management proposals voted on by investors in 2021 and 2020. Now the proposal seeks a report

analyzing why the enforcement of “Community Standards” as described in the “Transparency Center” has proven ineffective at controlling the dissemination of user content that contains or promotes hate speech, disinformation, or content that incites violence and/or harm to public health or personal safety.

Yelp has a resolution for the first time, asking it to report by the end of 2022 on “a stakeholder harm assessment study related to misinformation and false postings on its platform.” It says the report should determine “strategically appropriate next steps identified as a result of this study.” The proposal expresses concern about how the company manages negative reviews on its platform.

SEC action— Meta Platforms (Facebook) says its proposal can be omitted because last year’s proposal about elections failed to earn the 25 percent needed as a third-year resolution. (The 2021 resolution asked about content moderation the U.S. elections and received 19.5 percent, a 2019 proposal about content governance and human rights received 5.7 percent, and a 2018 proposal on enforcement of its content standards received 10.2 percent.)

Yelp says its practices and reporting make the resolution moot, that it concerns ordinary business since it is about customer relations and seeks to micromanage, and that it is materially false and misleading.

New advertising technology risks: Two proposals raise similar concerns about Alphabet’s plans to revamp how its search engine works:

  • Trillium Asset Management has a new resolution about free speech that asks for a report

above and beyond its existing disclosures and provide more quantitative and qualitative information on its algorithmic systems. Exact disclosures are within management’ s discretion, but suggestions include, how Alphabet uses algorithmic systems to target and deliver ads, error rates, and the impact these systems had on user speech and experiences. Management also has the discretion to consider using the recommendations and technical standards for algorithm and ad transparency put forward by the Mozilla Foundation and researchers at New York University.

  • SHARE, has another new resolution at Alphabet asking it to provide a report from an “independent human rights impact assessment…evaluating the potential human rights impacts of Google’s upcoming Federated Learning of Cohorts technology.” The proposal explains that the company’s Google subsidiary plans to transform its advertising approach, eliminating cookies and relying instead on algorithms to define user cohorts with similar attributes. SHARE says individual users might be identified and users’ privacy violated. It wants to know more about how the company “will enforce its advertising policies to detect bad actors and prevent them from using the opacity of algorithmic grouping to their advantage,” noting well-known harms from currently targeted advertising that exacerbates hate speech, posing what SHARE says are material risks. The proposal asserts the company’s current approach is lacking and that it has inadequately evaluated the risks of the new approach.

SEC action—The company has lodged challenges to both proposals. It says both concern ordinary business because they are about its advertising practices and could compel the disclosure of proprietary information. Alphabet also says the SHARE proposal is moot.

Metaverse: Arjuna is skeptical about the direction Meta Platforms is headed and wants both a report and an advisory shareholder vote on the company’s “metaverse” project. It says:

The report should summarize results of a third-party assessment of potential psychological and civil and human rights harms to users that may be caused by the use and abuse of the platform, whether harms can be mitigated or avoided, or are unavoidable risks inherent in the technology. After the report’s publication, the Company should seek a shareholder vote, expressing non-binding advisory approval or disapproval of the metaverse project, advising the board and management whether investors consider continued implementation of the metaverse platform to be prudent or appropriate.

SEC action—Meta says the proposal is ordinary business because it is about product offerings.


FINDING THE BALANCE BETWEEN CHILD SAFETY AND INTERNET PRIVACY


MICHAEL PASSOFF

CEO, Proxy Impact

Online child sexual exploitation is a global crisis that is growing at an exponential rate. Yet efforts to promote online child safety and privacy have met strong opposition from privacy and human rights proponents. Child safety and internet privacy do not have to conflict, even though advocates on each side seem to be at odds.


Child sexual exploitation: Proxy Impact has returned for the third year in a row to Meta Platforms. In 2020, Facebook was responsible for 94 percent of the 21 million cases of reported online child sexual abuse materials (CSAM). The company’s plans to apply end-to-end encryption across its platforms could hide 70 percent of reported CSAM cases which would greatly hinder efforts to help victims and to catch predators, the proposal asserts. The proposal earned 17.3 percent last year, about 56 percent of the vote not controlled by CEO Mark Zuckerberg. Proxy Impact wants a report by February 2023

assessing the risk of increased sexual exploitation of children as the Company develops and offers additional privacy tools such as end-to-end encryption. The report should address potential adverse impacts to children (18 years and younger) and to the company’s reputation or social license, assess the impact of limits to detection technologies and strategies, and be prepared at reasonable expense and excluding proprietary/confidential information.

Conflict Zones

While several more general proposals have raised concerns about human rights with broadly worded resolved clauses, three proposals mention specific conflict zones or countries with a poor record on human rights:

  • At Alphabet, SumOfUs has a new resolution asking for a report within six months “assessing the siting of Google Cloud Data Centers in countries of significant human rights concern, and the Company’s strategies for mitigating the related impacts.” Outside the resolved clause, the resolution expresses concerns about data centers located in “human rights hotspots” such as Indonesia, Qatar, India and Saudi Arabia. (Also see p. 69 for a similar supply chain resolution.)

SEC action—The company has challenged the proposal at the SEC, arguing it relates to ordinary business because it is about deciding where to locate and would micromanage, and is moot given its current reporting on human rights.

  • Caterpillar has long faced questions about how its heavy construction equipment is armored by military forces in global hotspots. Wespath Investment Management has a proposal like one that earned 7.8 percent in 2019. It asks the company to “assess and report to shareholders” on its “approach to mitigating the risks associated with business activities in conflict-affected and high-risk areas (CAHRA) as called for by the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs). The resolution notes company equipment has been used by governments in Myanmar, Occupied Palestinian Territory and Western Sahara; supply chain connections to Belarus; and sourcing from garment factories in China’s Xinjiang region where Uyghurs are persecuted.

  • The Teamsters want a report within six months from Chevron, “evaluating the feasibility of adopting a policy of not doing business with governments that are complicit in genocide and/or crimes against humanity as defined in international law.” The proposal raises specific concerns about operations in Burma (Myanmar), the Democratic Republic of Congo and Nigeria.

In 2021 proponents withdrew a proposal about operations in conflict zones after dialogue, while investors in 2020 gave 16.7 percent support to a proposal asking for a human rights assessment. On January 21, Chevron announced it would pull out of Burma given the ongoing human rights crisis, so it seems possible this resolution may be withdrawn.

Weapons

Nuclear weapons: The Sisters of St. Joseph of Brentwood have resubmitted a proposal about financing nuclear weapons to PNC Financial. It earned 7.9 percent last year and asks the board to report “assessing the effectiveness of PNC’s Environmental and Social Risk Management (ESRM) systems at managing risks associated with lending, investing, and financing activities within the nuclear weapons industry.” The supporting statement says the report could include:

  • Review of PNC’s existing financing to the nuclear weapons industry and associated actual and potential human rights impacts;

  • An assessment of the legal, financial, regulatory, and reputational risks that PNC may face due to involvement with the nuclear weapons industry; and

  • Evaluation of if and how PNC plans to reduce or eliminate its potential exposure to risks of nuclear weapons financing.

Handguns: The Rhode Island Pension Fund is concerned about small weapons; its focus is on how Mastercard’s payment network may be used for selling untraceable firearms. It calls for the board to

conduct an evaluation and issue a report within the next year…describing if and how MasterCard…intends to reduce the risk associated with the processing of payments involving its cards and/or its electronic payment system services for the sale and purchase of untraceable firearms, including “Buy, Build, Shoot” firearm kits, components, and/or accessories used to assemble privately made firearms known as “Ghost Guns.”

SEC action—Mastercard is arguing at the SEC that the proposal is an ordinary business matter because it is about the sale of specific products. (Proponents withdrew a similar proposal at Visa in 2020 for procedural reasons.)

Sustainable Governance

Companies have taken to heart research that more diverse boards produce better results, and most now realize they must routinely monitor and report on to properly respond to the many social and environmental challenges they face. As a result, the volume of generalized sustainability proposals has shifted and fallen (graph below). About one-third of all resolutions on sustainable governance in the last decade has been about board diversity, but the 18 filed this year are less than half the apex of 45 in 2019. More significant is the evaporation of proposals seeking general sustainability metrics (seven this year, down from 45 in 2014). From 2018 to 2020, proponents sought ESG links to executive pay but these, too, have nearly vanished (three in 2022, compared with two dozen earlier). These outcomes encapsulate the extent to which sustainability has become a mainstream approach to doing business. It is now ordinary. As other sections of this report show, however, investors remain keen to learn how companies are approaching specific problems—most often when it comes to climate change, diversity and corporate political influence; these topics continue to drive the overall increase in proposal filings.

Not every shareholder request on sustainable governance has gotten substantial support from investors. Last year’s resolutions coordinated by The Shareholder Commons (TSC) that asked companies to become public benefit corporations earned scant support (just one received enough to be resubmitted). The group has recast most of it add flags to TSC proposals to ask for reports on various types of externalized costs (covered in this report under each topic—see pp. 29, 47, 49 and 79). The thread raised by TSC—holding companies’ feet to the fire about stated support for the stakeholder capitalism concept articulated in the 2019 Business Roundtable’s (BRT) Statement on the Purpose of the Corporation—continues to hover in the proxy season background, inspiring proponents from both the left and right to question whether shareholder primacy is at an end, as the BRT suggested.

This section examines board composition (19 proposals), proposed changes to board committees to add specific types (eight) and 14 more raising broad sustainability concerns about corporate governance arrangements and reporting to investors, linking ESG to executive pay and general ESG policy. The total number of proposals filed on these topics has dropped to 41, down from 78 last year and a high of 112 in 2019.

Boards

Diversity on the Board

Eighteen proposals seek reports on diverse board composition, down from the decade’s high of 48 in 2019, and half last year’s total, although diversity in the workplace remains top-of-mind for many (see Diversity at Work, p. 54.) It appears that the spotlight has shifted down an echelon to the executive suite, which is still what some call “stale, male and pale.”

The 30 Percent Coalition has played a key role in persuading companies to diversify boards, expressing the aims of its members who come from in- and outside the investment and corporate world. Proponents are filing proposals at companies with no women or people of color on the board, seeking expanded representation even where there are one or two diverse board members.

Proxy voting support: When companies fail to put in place diverse boards, leading institutional investors—and investment managers—increasingly also have begun to vote against either nominating committee members or the entire board in elections for the board if diversity is lacking, illustrating how social issues have changed who runs corporate America. The two leading proxy advisory services now vote against non-diverse boards and State Street, one the largest managers, does as well—an idea first raised by social investment firms more than 10 years ago. As the corporate advisory firm Shearman & Sterling says, “board diversity initiatives are gaining momentum.” There is pushback, though, and a new mandate from California to include at least one woman on the board of any company with executive offices in the state is being challenged in the courts on the grounds it imposes an unlawful quota.


POSITIVE SIGNS ON THE ROAD TO BOARD DIVERSITY


AMY D. AUGUSTINE

Director of ESG Investing, Boston Trust Walden

SAMANTHA BURKE
ESG Analyst, Boston Trust Walden

Board diversity is improving, but this is not the time to back down. Companies, shareholders, and the overall economy benefit when board oversight better reflects the marketplace and draws from the broadest possible talent pool.

In 1992, Boston Trust Walden launched “Just Vote No” — voting against boards of directors without people of color or women. Thirty years later, champions of diversity within U.S. corporate boardrooms have reason to celebrate. In 2021, an astonishing 72 percent of new directors among S&P 500 companies were women and people of color. Particularly noteworthy in the current context of heightened national attention to racial justice, one-third of new independent directors are African American compared to 11 percent the previous year.


New Nasdaq requirement: In another sign that the issue has become embedded in financial analysts’ expectations, on August 6, 2021, the Nasdaq exchange attained approval from the SEC for its new rule that requires its listed companies by 2023 “to have, or explain why it does not have, at least two ‘Diverse’ directors (‘Diverse Board Requirement’), including one who self-identifies as ‘Female’ and one who self-identifies as either an ‘Underrepresented Minority’ or ‘LGBTQ+.’ The exchange will only verify that companies have complied with the requirement and will not review explanations, but it will de-list them for noncompliance. Nasdaq requires reporting in a matrix format such as that shareholder proponents have been suggesting for many years. Reporting on composition must occur this year.

Resolutions Shift in 2022

Expanded reporting: Many proposals in the past asked that boards make sure that each pool of potential nominees include diverse nominees. This request has shifted and expanded this year to include senior executives and consideration of diversity among various company stakeholders. Proponents have withdrawn already at Cactus but the proposal it received is still pending at CorVel, Silgan Holdings and Vicor, asking for a report by January 2023 on efforts to “enhance board diversity” by:

  • Embedding in governance documents a commitment to diversity inclusive of gender, race, and ethnicity;

  • Committing publicly to include women and people of color in each candidate pool for board and senior leadership seats;

  • Disclosing in annual proxy statements the gender, racial, and ethnic composition of the board; and

  • Detailing board strategies to reflect the diversity of the company’s workforce, community, and customers.

NYSCRF has withdrawn a similar proposal after reaching an agreement at First Community Bankshares; it earned 70.6 percent last year. The proposal asked the company to report on “broader diversity” efforts using the new Nasdaq rule categories:

  • Embedding a commitment to diversity inclusive of sex, race, ethnicity, age, gender identity, gender expression, and sexual orientation in Nominating and Corporate Governance charters;

  • Committing publicly to include women and people of color in each candidate pool from which director nominees are chosen; and

  • Disclosing in proxy statements the number of women and people of color nominated for or sitting on the board.

Reflecting customers: Arjuna Capital has a new proposal that seeks annual reports from Alphabet and Wells Fargo on how each is working to attain on their boards “racial and gender representation that is better aligned with the demographics of its customers and/or regions in which it operates.” (The AFL-CIO withdrew a proposal at Wells Fargo last year on adding diverse board nominees when it agreed to do so.)

SEC action—Alphabet is arguing that its current practices make the resolution moot.

Racial equity: At Badger Meter, where last year its request to report on board diversity earned 86.4 percent, NorthStar Asset Management has returned to ask how the company plans to take “action steps to foster greater racial equity on the board.” At Home Depot the request is the same but adds “gender equity.”

SEC action—Badger Meter is arguing at the SEC that its October 2021 report on the subject makes the resolution moot.

Matrix reporting: A key problem for investors seeking to assess diversity on boards is the relative dearth of consistent data on board members’ race, gender and ethnicity, although this will be addressed for Nasdaq companies soon. The New York City Comptroller’s Office has led a push for reporting on board or nominee attributes in a matrix that presents this and other qualifications. A public list of New York’s targets is not yet available, but James McRitchie has filed at three proposals along the same lines, asking 3D Systems, Proto Labs and Veeva Systems to disclose in their proxy statements

each director/nominee’s self-identified gender and race/ethnicity, as well as the skills and attributes that are most relevant to 3D Systems’ overall business, long-term strategy, and risks. The requested information shall be presented in matrix format and shall not include any attributes the Board identifies as minimum qualifications for all director candidates (the “Board Matrix”)

Experts: Just one proposal so far suggests a specialized board member is needed. Arjuna Capital has resubmitted a proposal to Twitter that earned 14.3 percent last year. It asks that the board nominate an independent candidate who “has a high level of human and/or civil rights expertise and experience and is widely recognized as such, as reasonably determined by Twitter’s Board.”

Board Oversight

This year only seven resolutions ask about ESG board oversight, about the same as last year. Companies have challenged five of them and none is a resubmission.


BOARDS FACE “NO” VOTES DUE TO LACK OF CLIMATE GOVERNANCE PRACTICES


ROB BERRIDGE
Senior Director of Shareholder Engagement, Ceres

RHONDA BRAUER
Founder and President, RLB Governance; former Corporate Secretary and Governance Officer at The New York Times Company

Investors increasingly are ready to hold board members of U.S. public companies accountable for failing to appropriately oversee their companies’ climate-related risks and opportunities. 

This trend is accelerating in the wake of the 2021 proxy season. Last year, tiny Engine No. 1 waged a David-versus-Goliath battle with ExxonMobil, helping win the election of three board members experienced in clean energy and energy transitions – ousting ExxonMobil’s favored incumbents in the process. This move by investors on climate was just one important development from last year; the 2021 season wrapped up with a record-shattering 18 climate-related shareholder proposals winning majority votes.  


Climate change: Still pending is a proposal about board oversight of climate change, at Texas Instruments. The New Jersey Division of Investments wants the company to “establish comprehensive board oversight of the Company’s climate change policies and programs and report to shareholders on steps taken or planned toward this within a time frame deemed reasonable by the board.” It says the proposal does not seek to “micromanage” nor “impose methods for implementing complex policies in place of the ongoing judgement of management as overseen by its board of directors.” (The SEC has in the past used such strictures to omit proposals on ordinary business grounds.) Last year, Green Century withdrew a proposal asking the company to address material climate risks in its sustainability report after the company agreed to do so.

The Connecticut Treasurer has withdrawn a similar request at NextEra Energy after an agreement.

Human capital: Individual proponent Robert A. Rehm has withdrawn at Verizon Communications having asked it to

strengthen board oversight of workforce equity issues by assigning responsibility for oversight to the existing Human Resources Committee, or to a new board committee. For purposes of this proposal, ‘workforce equity issues’ include those related to diversity in recruitment and hiring, racial and gender pay equity, employment discrimination, and the relationship between compensation and benefits provided to senior executives and those provided to the rest of the workforce

The company told the SEC that its policies make the resolution moot and the withdrawal came before any response.

Human rights: Harrington Investments would like Meta Platforms to “commission an independent assessment of the Audit and Risk Oversight Committee’s capacities and performance in overseeing company risks to public safety and the public interest and in supporting strategic risk oversight on these issues by the full board.” A similar 2020 proposal about board oversight and risk earned 7.2 percent, after a 2018 proposal on the same issue received 11.6 percent support.

Members of the Garcia family face a challenge to their proposal at Sempra Energy, which asks it to “create a standing committee to oversee the Company’s response to domestic and international developments in human rights” that affect the company’s business. Sempra says it has delegated responsibility for human rights to a company committee and further asserts the proposal is a personal grievance.

Sustainability: Three resolutions ask for a board committee on sustainability, although one has yet to be disclosed. Sustaininvest wants Alphabet to “create a board committee on environmental sustainability to oversee and review policies and provide guidance on matters relating to environmental sustainability.” The company has told the SEC the resolution is moot and ordinary business but the commission has yet to respond.

A proposal from the Illinois Treasurer to Berkshire Hathaway asks that independent directors form a

a new Board Committee on Environmental and Social Issues….The Committee should provide an ongoing review of corporate policies and practices, above and beyond legal and regulatory matters, to assess how Berkshire Hathaway manages material sustainability factors, including issues related to the environment, human capital, and social capital. At its discretion, the Board should publish a formal charter for the Committee and a summary of its functions, and direct the Committee to issue periodic reports.

Sustainability

Proponents have come up with several new ideas that raise broad sustainability issues for companies and investors this year. Four new proposals from The Shareholder Commons ask about the social impact of investment stewardship practices and companies’ general financial priorities, two more seek a report on how companies consult with their stakeholders about risks and one asks for a report on whether retirement plans align with corporate climate goals. There are 14 proposals in all, with six SEC challenges that have yet to be resolved.

Sustainability reporting: Boston Trust Walden has already withdrawn proposals at East West Bancorp and Green Dot asking for a sustainability report after each agreed to do so. Still pending is its resolution at Cathay General Bancorp that proposes “a report describing the company’s environmental, social, and governance (ESG) policies, practices, and performance goals and metrics.”


A NEW INVESTMENT THEORY FOR DEALING WITH SYSTEMIC RISKS


JON LUKOMNIK
Managing Partner, Sinclair Capital; Co-Author: Moving Beyond Modern Portfolio Theory: Investing that Matters

JAMES P. HAWLEY
Senior ESG Advisor, Truvalue labs; Co-Author: Moving Beyond Modern Portfolio Theory: Investing that Matters

The definition of what it means to invest is changing. Today, investors are looking beyond their trading terminals and tackling investing risks in the real world, where value is created, as well as in the capital markets, where it is priced.

That is a welcome evolution. But, it’s also a radical paradigm shift. For nearly three-quarters of a century, public market investing has centered on security analysis, trading, and portfolio construction. That paradigm is largely the legacy of the adoption of modern portfolio theory (MPT), which brilliantly taught us all the math of diversification, giving us the ability to extract the most efficient risk/return portfolio from the extant market. Unfortunately, diversification only works on idiosyncratic risks.


Societal impacts: As noted above, The Shareholder Commons has filed proposals with a common theme that says long-term impacts that occur when companies externalize their costs harm society at large and financial markets and longterm investment results for universal investors. (See pp. 29, 47, 49.) Two of TSC’s proposals are more general:

  • Adopt policy—One proposal, filed on behalf of James McRitchie, asks BlackRock and State Street to “adopt stewardship practices designed to curtail corporate activities that externalize social and environmental costs that are likely to decrease the returns of portfolios that are diversified in accordance with portfolio theory, even if such curtailment could decrease returns at the externalizing company.”

  • Report on risks—The other, filed on behalf of John Chevedden and the Australian pension fund HESTA, asks Alphabet and Meta Platforms to report on “(1) risks created by Company business practices that prioritize internal financial return over healthy social and environmental systems and (2) the manner in which such risks threaten the returns of its diversified shareholders who rely on a productive economy to support their investment portfolios.” It contends that misinformation distributed through company platforms imposes unaccounted for costs with negative long-term impacts on society and financial markets.


COST EXTERNALIZATION: A BAD TRADE FOR DIVERSIFIED SHAREHOLDERS


SARA E. MURPHY
Chief Strategy Officer, The Shareholder Commons

The Shareholder Commons has filed or otherwise supported 19 shareholder proposals in 2022 that focus on systematic risks, including mis/disinformation, climate change, and antimicrobial resistance. The common thread running through these proposals is how a company’s externalized costs affect shareholders by reducing the value of other assets in their portfolios. For instance, our proposal at BlackRock asks that it adopt stewardship practices aimed at curtailing corporate activities that externalize social and environmental costs likely to decrease diversified portfolios’ return, even if such curtailment could decrease returns at the externalizing company.


SEC challenges—All four companies have challenged the resolutions at the SEC. The financial firms argue the resolution concerns ordinary business, would be illegal, could not be implemented and is too vague. The SEC agreed somewhat more specific 2021 proposals at these companies, on the ultimate societal costs of proxy voting practices, were ordinary business. Both Alphabet and Meta say this year’s iteration is too vague, while Meta again says it is ordinary business.

Public benefit corporation: Investors gave just 3.1 percent support to a proposal that asked Apple

to become a Social Purpose Corporation and to adopt specific social purposes such as (A) benefitting (1) the corporation’s employees, suppliers, customers, and creditors; (2) the community and society; and (3) the environment and (B) exercising reasonable care to ensure the Company’s operations do not impose social and environmental costs materially contributing to the degradation or destruction of important social and environmental systems.

Retirement plan alignment: As You Sow has a new proposal that asks Amazon.com and Comcast to examine their employees’ retirement plan options and report, “reviewing the Company’s retirement plan options with the board’s assessment of how the Company’s current retirement plan options align with its climate action goals.” It says each company should explain why if it will not offer low-carbon investment options.

SEC action—Both companies argue the proposal is ordinary business since it is about employee compensation and benefits.

ESG Pay Links

Only four resolutions address ESG pay links. The Teamsters and Vermont Treasurer have revived a proposal that earned 11.7 percent at AmerisourceBergen in 2019. The proponents want it and Johnson & Johnson to include one-time litigation and compliance costs in performance metrics used to set executive incentive compensation, because such costs have come from harmful behavior. The opposing view, expressed in 2019 by AmerisourceBergen, is that companies need flexibility and discretion to design and administer compensation programs, and that excluding non-recurring or one-time events provides a more accurate picture of company performance. The proposal asks that each company adopt a policy

that no financial performance metric shall be adjusted to exclude Legal or Compliance Costs when evaluating performance for purposes of determining the amount or vesting of any senior executive Incentive Compensation award.

“Legal or Compliance Costs” are expenses or charges associated with any investigation, litigation or enforcement action related to drug manufacturing, sales, marketing or distribution, including legal fees; amounts paid in fines, penalties or damages; and amounts paid in connection with monitoring required by any settlement or judgement of claims of the kind described above.

“Incentive Compensation” is compensation paid pursuant to short-term and long-term incentive compensation plans and programs.

The policy should be implemented in a way that does not violate any existing contractual obligation of the Company or the terms of any compensation or benefit plan. The Board shall have discretion to modify the application of this policy in specific circumstances for reasonable exceptions and in that case shall provide a statement of explanation.


HOW TO MAKE ESG PAY LINKS MORE EFFECTIVE


MELISSA WALTON

Executive Compensation & Say on Climate Associate, As You Sow

Shareholder resolutions requesting companies disclose plans to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050 received increased support in the 2021 proxy season. While this is a positive development, companies must do more to cut emissions in half by 2030 to meet the Paris climate treaty goals. One lever in meeting 2050 net-zero pledges is linking executive compensation to hitting climate targets.


At Kroger, Zevin Asset Management asks the company about “the feasibility of integrating environmental, social, and governance (ESG) metrics into performance measures or vesting conditions that may apply to senior executives under the Company’s compensation plans or arrangements.” It has not been voted on before at the company.

Finally, at Wells Fargo, NYSCRF has resubmitted a longstanding proposal seeking detailed information about the extent to which it ties malfeasance to compensation. It earned 26 percent last year, up slightly from around 21 percent in each of the previous three years. The proposal asks for a report on:

(1) whether and how the Company has identified employees or positions, individually or as part of a group, who are eligible to receive incentive-based compensation that is tied to metrics that could have the ability to expose Wells Fargo to possible material losses, as determined in accordance with generally accepted accounting principles;

(2) if the Company has not made such an identification, an explanation of why it has not done so; and

(3) if the Company has made such an identification, the: (a) methodology and criteria used to make such identification;

(b) number of those employees/positions, broken down by division;

(c) aggregate percentage of compensation, broken down by division, paid to those employees/positions that constitutes incentive-based compensation; and

(d) aggregate percentage of such incentive-based compensation that is dependent on (i) short-term, and (ii) long-term performance metrics, in each case as may be defined by Wells Fargo and with an explanation of such metrics.

Conservatives

Proponents with a conservative political perspective file resolutions that are the mirror image of those from most investors who want corporate disclosure and action on all the disparate social and environmental issues discussed in this report. From 2019 until last year, most of these proposals asked for more ideological diversity on boards of directors, positing that corporate America is too liberal. This year, the focus is on combating what proponents believe is a rash of “woke” policies on racism. Conservative groups also have consistently filed proposals about corporate political influence, while also suggesting philanthropic efforts inappropriately support liberal causes. After the 2019 Business Roundtable statement on stakeholder capitalism, these proponents started questioning CEOs’ commitments to that idea. (Top graph.)

Investors generally have not given much support to these proposals, with the limited exception being those that borrow the resolved clause from the main political spending and lobbying campaigns.

The National Center for Public Policy Research (NCPPR),a think tank, is the main player, with resolutions also filed by its principals and like-minded supporters. NCPPR calls itself “the nation’s preeminent free-market” shareholder activist group, via its Free Enterprise Project. Its representatives also attend annual meetings without filing proposals.

The National Center for Legal and Policy Center (NLPC) also files shareholder proposals but was inactive for a time. In 2022, it has five resolutions. Investors may want to note NLPC proposals about China express concern about the same human rights issues that bother other proponents. Common ground for all is an expressed concern about government repression and free speech.

Outcomes: Many conservative resolutions have been omitted over the years, for procedural and substantive reasons. But since 2019 about a dozen have appeared on proxy statements each year; average support in the last two years has been at only about 3 percent, however, rarely enough to qualify for resubmission.

Diversity

Workplace: New in 2022 are proposals about employee diversity training and (mirroring the racial justice audit resolutions) ask for a “workplace nondiscrimination audit.” Two companies—Deere and Starbucks—have persuaded the SEC it is an ordinary business issue or moot. There are two main variants:

  • Training materials and audit: At American Express, Starbucks and Verizon Communications the proposals seeks annual publication of “the written and oral content of employee-training materials offered to the company’s employees by the company or with its consent, as well as any such materials that were sponsored by the company in whole or part.” It also says:

In the alternative we request the Board commission a workplace nondiscrimination audit analyzing the company’s impacts, including the impacts arising from company-sponsored or-promoted employee training, on civil rights and non-discrimination in the workplace, and the impacts of those issues on the company’s business. In the latter instance, a report on the audit, prepared at reasonable cost and omitting confidential or proprietary information, should be publicly disclosed on the company’s website.

SEC action—Starbucks lodged a successful challenge and the SEC agreed it is moot. American Express and Verizon are still waiting for an outcome; they also say the proposal is moot, false and misleading, ordinary business by dint of being about workforce relations, and impermissibly constitutes two separate proposals.

  • Audit: The second proposal combines the above requests in a more concise resolution, at Walt Disney and Deere. The proposal earned 2.7 percent at Disney on March 9 but was omitted at Deere. The resolution asks the board to

commission a workplace non-discrimination audit analyzing Disney’s impacts, including the impacts arising from Disney-sponsored or -promoted employee training, on civil rights and non-discrimination in the workplace, and the impacts of those issues on Disney’s business. A report on the audit…should be publicly disclosed on Disney’s website.

SEC action—Both recipients challenged at the SEC on ordinary business grounds, but only Deere was successful. It argued the proposal was about workforce management and training and would micromanage.

Political discrimination: At BlackRock, NCPPR wants the company to “issue a public report detailing the potential risks associated with omitting ‘viewpoint’ and ‘ideology’ from its written equal employment opportunity (EEO) policy.”

SEC action—The company has challenged the proposal, arguing it concerns ordinary business and is moot, noting that earlier similar proposals were omitted and that its non-discrimination policy forbids political discrimination, the proponent’s chief concern. (A similar version of this proposal was omitted at American Express and Walgreens last year.)

“Woke” training: A resolution from individual investor J.E. Grau at Walt Disney has been omitted on the grounds that it was too vague. Its long resolved clause asked that employees not be required “to listen, read” or be exposed to “any other form of communication” about “‘Woke Cult’, ‘Delete Culture’, ‘Supremacy Innuendos’, ‘1776 Project’, ‘1619 Project’ or other similar biases.” It said Disney should not be “transformed” by management into “a political-outpost for the benefit and or interests of any political faction / persuasion from the Right - Center - Left (or others) of the political spectrum either domestically or [foreign].

Pride flag: Individual investor Chris Hotz has been trying for four years to convince Intel to stop flying the pride flag during the month of June, which celebrates LGBTQ people. His proposal this year asks for a report “on whether, and/or to what extent, the public display of the pride flag has impacted current, and to the extent reasonable, past and prospective employee’s view of the company as a desirable place to work.” Each previous proposal has been omitted, but each also was more prescriptive than this year’s version. The company is arguing at the SEC that the proposal relates to ordinary business since it concerns workforce management.

Board ideology: The National Legal and Policy Center at JPMorgan Chase uses the same language as mainstream proponents to ask for “greater diversity” on the board by requiring diverse candidates, with qualifications presented in a matrix format in the proxy statement, with annual updates. The only difference is that it wants to see their “skills, experience and intellectual strengths.” The supporting statement expresses support for diversity and does not discuss ideology but notes most directors now hold upper echelon corporate positions, and states the board “could additionally benefit from individuals whose life experience and perspectives are diverse.”

SEC action—The company has filed a challenge at the SEC, arguing it is moot. Last year, the AFL-CIO withdrew a similar proposal after the company agreed to include diverse board nominee hiring slates.

Political Influence and Charitable Giving

Philanthropy: Costco Wholesale shareholders gave 3.2 percent support to a proposal from the NLPC that asked for a report listing “the recipients of corporate charitable contributions of $5,000 or more on the company website, along with the material limitations, if any, placed on the restrictions, and/or the monitoring of the contributions and its uses, if any, that the Company undertakes.” The vote was too low to qualify for resubmission.

It looks likely that investors at three other companies will also vote on a similar, but longer, NCPPR proposal. It asks Wells Fargo to issue a semi-annual report

that discloses, itemizes and quantifies all Company charitable donations, aggregated by recipient name & address each year for contributions that exceed $999 annually. This report shall include:

  1. Monetary and non-monetary contributions made to non-profit organizations operating under Section 501(c)(3) and 501(c)(4) of the Internal Revenue Code, and any other public or private charitable organization;

  2. Policies and procedures for charitable contributions (both direct and indirect) made with corporate assets;

  3. Rationale for each of the charitable contributions.

To the extent reasonable and permissible, the report may include the type of information requested above for charities and foundations controlled or managed by the Company, including the Wells Fargo Foundation.

At Boeing and Johnson & Johnson, NLPC has a similar version but switches out “Personnel participating in the decisions to contribute” for the third point and eliminates discussion of charities or foundations associated with the companies.

SEC action—Wells Fargo says the proposal is moot and has yet to receive a response, but the SEC disagreed with assertions from the other two companies that the resolution is moot.

Public policy advocacy: Two resolutions with a similar aim ask about public policy endorsements.

  • At Pfizer, NCPPR asks for an annual report “analyzing the congruency of political and electioneering expenditures during the preceding year against publicly stated company values and policies.” The resolved clause is the same as a resubmitted proposal from the Tara Health Foundation that received 47.2 percent in 2021. However, the NCPPR proposal is critical of several positions taken by various candidates funded by the company, criticizing Pfizer’s diversity approach and its support for candidates in favor of abortion rights. (See p. 46 for Tara proposal.)

  • Vident Advisory has withdrawn a proposal at Target that asks it for an annual report

listing and analyzing policy endorsements made in recent years. The report should include public endorsements, including press statements released by the company and signing of public statements associated with activist groups and statements of threat or warning against particular states in response to policy proposals. The report should analyze whether the policies advocated can rigorously be established to be of pecuniary benefit to the company and describe possible risks to the company arising from such statements, endorsements, or warnings.

SEC action and withdrawal—Pfizer says the NCPPR resolution is moot, but also suggests that if the SEC disagrees, the inclusion of the NCPPR proposal will make the resubmitted Tara resolution duplicative, allowing that one to be omitted. Target argued at the SEC that the proposal is ordinary business and too vague, but the proponent withdrew before any SEC response after discussions with the company.

Shareholder approval: Stephen K. Kraus, an individual investor, proposes that Coca-Cola “Require the company to submit any proposed political statement to the next shareholder meeting for approval prior to issuing the subject statement publicly.” The resolution has not been proposed at any other company before; it raises concerns about the company’s statements on Georgia’s elections in 2020, which were contested by the former U.S. president.

SEC action—Coca-Cola says the proposal is too vague and also concerns ordinary business by dint of micromanagement but the SEC has yet to respond.

Statues and displays: Individual investor Max Riekse has seen both his proposals to Walt Disney omitted because they were filed too late. He first asked the company to erect a bust of the company founder at a military resort near Disney World in Florida. He also asked that the company take very specific actions regarding its displays about U.S. presidents at Disney World, including:

That former President Donald Trump be fully represented in the Hall of Presidents and that the Hall of Presidents be kept in the same location at Magic Kingdom for 75 years. And that a President Donald Trump mannequin be placed next to either former Presidents Teddy Roosevelt, Ronald Reagan or Andrew Jackson in the Hall of Presidents.

Be it further resolved that the current representation of President Donald Trump in the Hall of Presidents, 2017-2020, be donated at no cost and in full working order, to the future President Donald Trump Presidential Library and Museum.

Human Rights

Racial justice audit risks: Inspired by last year’s racial justice audit proposals that have burgeoned this year, NCPPR has filed at least four proposals—at CVS Health, Johnson & Johnson, Levi Straus and Meta Platforms, asking each to

commission an audit analyzing the Company’s impacts on civil rights and non-discrimination, and the impacts of those issues on the Company’s business. The audit may, in the Board’s discretion, be conducted by an independent and unbiased third party with input from civil rights organizations, public interest litigation groups, employees and other stakeholders—of a wide spectrum of viewpoints and perspectives. [this modifier is left out at Johnson & Johnson]. A report on the audit, prepared at reasonable cost and omitting confidential or proprietary information, should be publicly disclosed on the Company’s website.

Although the proposal borrows the language of civil rights advocates, it argues that corporate efforts to combat discrimination disadvantage White people, which it says is racist.

SEC action—CVS, Levi Strauss and Meta each filed challenges at the SEC, arguing variously that it is too vague, is ordinary business because it concerns workforce management and legal compliance, or (in Meta’s case) that it is moot given civil rights audits it conducted in 2019 and 2020. Johnson & Johnson says it plans to include this resolution in its proxy statement, which it argues means a resolution supporting a racial justice audit resubmitted by ICCR members can be struck because it is duplicative.

Forced labor in China and Africa: The NLPC filed two proposals that raise concerns about doing business in China, but just one will go to a vote. Its request for an annual report at Apple “on the extent to which its products are produced through the direct or indirect use of forced (or slave) labor” has been omitted, as discussed below.

However, investors gave 36.8 percent support to a resolution asking Walt Disney to report “on the process of due diligence, if any, that the Company undertakes in evaluating the human rights impacts of its business and associations with foreign entities, including foreign governments, their agencies, and private sector intermediaries.” NLPC was prompted by controversy about the 2020 live-action movie, Mulan, which was filmed in the Xinjiang region of China where the Chinese government is persecuting the Uyghur people. The film gave thanks in its credits to regional government authorities; Disney’s current human rights policies are largely focused on supply chain labor and human rights concerns about manufacturing of its licensed products, which both NLPC and SumOfUs, its counterpart on the other side of the political divide, find inadequate.

At General Motors, NLPC seeks a report “on the extent to which its business plans with respect to electric vehicles may involve, rely or depend on child labor outside the United States.” The resolution notes the company’s plans to promote electric vehicles (EVs), which use cobalt in their batteries, pointing out that about 60 percent of cobalt globally comes from the Democratic Republic of Congo where child labor is rife. The proposal says investors “have the right to know the extent to which, if any and intentionally or not,” GM relies on child labor in its supply chain. (Last year, Steven J. Milloy asked the utility Exelon about its support for EV infrastructure given his stated concern about cobalt and child labor and the vote was 5.2 percent.)

Milloy this year wants Verizon Communications to report on its ties to China with a report

on the general nature and extent to which corporate operations involve or depend on Communist China, which is a serial human rights violator and a geopolitical threat and adversary to the US. The report should exclude confidential business information but provide shareholders with a basic sense of Verizon’s reliance on activities conducted within, and under control of the Communist Chinese government.

SEC action—The SEC agreed the Apple proposal could be omitted because it duplicated a similar proposal filed first by SumOfUs. (See p. 69 for a description of that proposal.) The commission rejected Walt Disney’s contention that the resolution there is ordinary business and has yet to decide on a challenge from General Motors that argues its reporting makes the resolution moot. The SEC also has not responded yet to Verizon’s contentions that its proposal raises ordinary business questions because it concerns management decisions about where and with whom to do business, and is too vague.

Sustainability

NCPPR again mirrored its foes on the other end of the political spectrum at Apple, asking it

to become a public benefit corporation (a “PBC”) in light of its adoption of the Business Roundtable Statement of the Purpose of a Corporation (“the Statement”) [referred to in a footnote]. Shareholders further request that the Board then present such amendments to the shareholders for approval, along with a full disclosure of the implications for shareholders that will follow from approval and adoption of the amendments, and the risks that append to such approval and adoption.

The SEC agreed, however, that this was too vague because it was unclear “whether the Company, a California corporation, must become a public benefit corporation and therefore reincorporate in Delaware to implement the proposal, or whether the Company should instead covert to a form of benefit corporation recognized under California law.” In its challenge, Apple noted it also received a proposal asking it to reincorporate as a public benefit corporation (PBC), received after the NCPPR version and from The Shareholder Commons, but it said that proposal should be included. (See p. 80 above for more on the TSC resolution, which earned 3.1 percent (about what the NCPPR proposals have done).)

2021 Proxy Season Review

The 2021 proxy season moved into uncharted waters, with more majority votes than ever (39) and a momentous proxy fight at ExxonMobil that ended with three dissident directors winning board seats. Yet shareholder proponents also were coming to terms with new rules issued from the SEC in the waning days of the Trump administration aimed at curbing shareholder proposals. While the new rules affect the 2022 proxy season, legal action and a sympathetic ear from the Biden Administration’s SEC will shape the ultimate outcome.

Average support for the 185 proposals seeking social and environmental changes at companies was 33.8 percent, up from just under 19 percent 10 years earlier; this excludes low votes on resolutions from conservatives. Total filings surged to a new high of 499. One key change pushing the averages up in 2021 were votes above 90 percent that occurred when companies voiced no opposition.

Company efforts to block resolutions from inclusion in proxy statements using provisions of the Shareholder Proposal Rule continued to bear fruit, reflecting changes in SEC staff interpretations put in place during the Trump era. By November, however, the SEC rescinded all three interpretive bulletins, promising an easier road in 2022 for proponents.

Major Themes

Proposals about diversity expanded substantially in 2021, at least partly in response to the Black Lives Matter movement, with a jump in filings articulating issues both old and new. Other major themes of proxy season persisted, addressing corporate political influence and climate change.

  • Diversity, equity and inclusion: Proposals sought fair representation, treatment and pay in the workplace and more diverse boards of directors, with 14 majorities. Proponents reached agreements and withdrew many proposals. In addition, 20 new resolutions asked companies how they are combatting systemic racism.

  • Corporate political influence: Investor support for more oversight and disclosure of corporate spending andlobbying continued to grow, with 15 majority votes and six more above 40 percent. There were 85 filings and 29 withdrawals, with corporate commitments most likely for election spending proposals. Average support reached alltime highs of 43.8 percent on election spending and 38.7 percent on the main lobbying proposal. Much higher, though, were the votes on climate-related political advocacy; seven proposals average 62.5 percent support, with five strong majorities.

  • Climate change: Proposals addressed climate change directly and took on mostly related environmental management issues, often about plastic. The number of votes on these issues has fallen as companies and proponents find common ground, but proponents now also want companies to do more; support for more robust action continued to build; there were 25 votes with average support of 53.2 percent. Almost all asked about carbon asset risk and how companies plan to cut emissions and re-tool for a lower carbon world.

2021 Highlights

Environment

Climate change: A modest resurgence of climate proposal brought the total to 79, but there were only 20 votes. Proponents asked how companies plan to address carbon asset risks but raised few other issues. Most asked for greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reduction targets in the context of the Paris climate treaty. The consistency of requests for reporting was notable.

The highest votes included 48 percent in favor of reporting on net-zero GHG goals at Caterpillar, and a 98 percent vote (after management support) for the same resolution at General Electric. An early win for proponents came when ExxonMobil agreed to report on its full carbon footprint, prompting a withdrawal. Investors were strongly in favor of emissions reductions. They gave 60.7 percent support to a new proposal at Chevron that sought Scope 3 (indirect) emissions reductions, and majority support for adopting GHG reduction targets at ConocoPhillips and Phillips 66.

Resolutions on strategic planning and shareholder feedback included those asserting the new idea that shareholders should be given the opportunity to annual vote on corporate climate change plans; this idea morphed proposals that continue in 2022 and only ask about plans for the climate transition. High votes for a climate transition plan included 56.5 percent at Booking Holdings. Two new proposals seeking a formally audited plan earned 48 percent at both Chevron and ExxonMobil. Proponents also withdrew four proposals at banks asking for reports on how they plan to finance GHG cuts in line with the Paris climate treaty, when the companies agreed to act.

Investors gave 76.2 percent support to a resolution asking how Bloomin Brands addresses deforestation in its supply chain, while support from the board at Bunge pushed the vote there to nearly 99 percent.

Environmental management: Concern that plastics are overwhelming and harming the ecosystem was by far the most important issue, although a dozen more proposals also inquired about industrial agriculture. There were only six votes, but they included the highest ever vote at Du Pont de Nemours—81.2 percent—on plastics pollution. In response to a similar proposal, Coca-Cola announced it will cut its virgin plastic use by 3 million metric tons by 2025.

Social Issues

Corporate political activity: Investors went to the proxy ballot box not long after the unprecedented attack on our democracy on January 6, when supporters of ex-President Trump sought to overturn the election. Many companies announced after the attack that they would “pause” corporate and PAC political spending and re-evaluate how they spend, but those pledges now are evaporating.

Ever-present filings about corporate influence numbered 89 and produced 50 votes. The most important development was an expanded set of resolutions on climate-related lobbying, with five of the six proposals that went to votes earning majority support—at Phillips 66, Delta Air Lines, ExxonMobil, United Airlines and Norfolk Southern. Few of the main lobbying proposals were withdrawn and three earned majorities, at AECOM, ExxonMobil and GEO Group. Proposals on election spending included six majorities—at Chemed, Duke Energy, Netflix, Omnicom Gorup, Royal Caribbean and United Airlines.

What really changed on this issue in 2021 was a shift that continues in 2022—more scrutiny about the views of those that receive company-connected money. There was a near-majority at Pfizer (47.2 percent) after the Tara Health Foundation asked it about incongruencies between its spending and expressed support for women’s health, noting the company has supported many abortion rights foes.

Decent work: Proposals about decent work were split about evenly between those about fair pay and those on working conditions. But none of the CEO pay disparity proposals earned more than 11 percent and most received much less. Votes were higher for reporting on pay differentials based on gender and race, with the highest vote of 32.6 percent at CIGNA. Sexual harassment problems and the role mandatory arbitration can play in shielding them from public view were on the ballot and received majority support at Goldman Sachs (53.2 percent) and Sunrun (59.4 percent). Also notable was a vote of 95.3 percent at Wendy’s, where management supported a request to report on how it is addressing worker health and safety in the pandemic.

Diversity in the workplace:  Shareholder proponents responded to the Black Lives Matter movement sparked by the May 2020 murder of George Floyd in Minnepolis by filing twice as many proposals as about diversity, with 72 filings.  A lead player was the New York City Comptroller’s Office and it was largely successful in persuading companies to voluntarily release their EEO-1 forms that break down employment by job category, race, gender and ethnicity.  As The Wall Street Journal noted at the start of September, 78 out of the 100 largest publicly traded companies now release this information.  Startling high votes were in favor of EEO disclosure—83.8 percent at Du Pont de Nemours and 86.4 percent at Union Pacific.  Additional important corporate concessions included the decision by Home Depot to release its EEO-1 data, after 20 years of shareholder resolutions. 

As You Sow pushed the envelope to ask for more than EEO-1 data, however, seeking additional information on hiring, recruitment and retention to better understand the impact of diversity and inclusion programs.  Three majorities included 59.7 percent at American Express, 94.3 percent at IBM (with management support) and 81.4 percent at Union Pacific.  Further, Trillium Asset Management continued its push for executive suite diversity and earned 93.8 percent at Paycom Software where management made no recommendation.

Health:  As might be expected amid a global pandemic, several shareholder resolutions raised health issues, producing nine votes.  ICCR members asked drug companies about pricing and access for drugs and vaccines to counteract Covid-19; the highest of three votes was 33.6 percent at Merck

Human rights:  Proponents filed 55 proposals about human rights, raising explicit new concerns about systemic racism at financial firms and others, earning significant support when they asked for racial justice audits.  The SEC turned back challenges and the highest vote was 40.5 percent at JPMorgan Chase.  NYSCRF earned even more—44.2 percent—at Amazon.com, where it called out racist incidents. 

Other strategy and accountability proposals notched the most support of 32.2 percent at Lockheed Martin; one of the company’s weapons had killed a school bus full of children in Yemen.  The company gives its employees 24 minutes of training a year on human rights and says concerns about its business are best addressed by governments.

Taking up controversies about electronic media content, technology and privacy were another 13 resolutions.  Two at Amazon.com on different aspects of surveillance technology earned about 35 percent.

Sustainable Governance

Board diversity:  A diminished complement of just 28 proposals addressed board diversity.  But no S&P 500 company is now without at least one woman on the board, although racial and ethnic diversity remains scarce.  Five votes included three majorities—85.4 percent at Badger Meter, 70.6 percent at First Community Bankshares and 91.2 percent at First Solar, where the company took no position. 

Board oversight and experts:  Also lower in number were proposals seeking specific types of board oversight, with just 10 filings, down from two dozen three years ago.  The highest vote was 14.3 percent in response to a request for a human rights expert on Twitter’s board.

Sustainability: Replacing a former flood of generalized sustainability reporting proposals were new resolutions about the nature of corporate purpose, but proposals asking companies to reincorporate as public benefit corporations earned scant support.  There were 40 filings, down from a peak of 58 three years ago, and 23 votes.  There were only six votes on ESG pay links, well below earlier years.  The highest was 25.6 percent for a serial repeat at Wells Fargo seeking more information on how it guards aginast incentives that may encourage risky practices.

Company Index

The index below shows with checkmarks (✓) how many proposals have been filed at each company, in each major topic categories presented in this report. More details on each of the resolutions can be found in the tables and text of appropriate sections of the report, as follows:

Corporate Political Activity
Decent Work/Diversity
Environment
Human Rights
Sustainable Governance
Company Corporate Political Influence Decent Work/Diversity Environment Human Rights Other Sustainable Governance Grand Total
3D Systems 1
3M 3
Abbott Laboratories 2
AbbVie ✔✔ 3
Activision Blizzard ✔✔✔ 3
Advance Auto Parts 1
AECOM 1
Air Products & Chemicals 1
Allegheny Technologies 1
Alphabet ✔✔ ✔✔ ✔✔✔✔✔✔✔ ✔✔✔ 15
Altria 2
Amazon.com ✔✔ ✔✔✔✔✔✔✔✔✔ ✔✔ ✔✔✔✔ 19
Amedisys 1
American Airlines Group ✔✔ 2
American Express 2
American International Group 3
American Water Works 2
AmerisourceBergen 1
Amgen ✔✔✔ 4
Analog Devices 1
Antero Resources ✔✔ 2
Anthem 1
Apple ✔✔ ✔✔✔ ✔✔ 9
Applied Materials 1
Archer-Daniels-Midland 1
AT&T 2
B&G Foods 1
Badger Meter 1
Bank of America ✔✔ 3
Bank of New York Mellon 1
Bed Bath & Beyond 1
Berkshire Hathaway ✔✔ 4
Best Buy ✔✔ 2
Biogen 1
BJ's Restaurants 1
BJ's Wholesale Club 1
BlackRock 2
Boeing 3
Bristol-Myers Squibb 1
Builders FirstSource 1
Burlington Stores 1
Cactus 1
Carnival 1
Caterpillar 3
Cathay General Bancorp 1
Cerner 1
Charles Schwab 3
Charter Communications ✔✔ ✔✔ 5
Cheesecake Factory 1
Chemed 1
Chemours 2
Cheniere Energy 1
Chevron ✔✔✔✔ ✔✔ 7
Chipotle Mexican Grill ✔✔✔ 5
Chubb Limited ✔✔ 2
Church & Dwight 1
CIGNA 2
Citigroup ✔✔✔ 4
CME Group 1
CMS Energy 1
Coca-Cola ✔✔ 4
Comcast 3
ConocoPhillips 1
CorVel 1
Costco Wholesale ✔✔ 4
Coterra (was Cabot Oil & Gas) 1
CSX 1
CVS Health ✔✔ 4
Danaher 1
Darling Ingredients 1
DaVita 1
Deere 2
Delta Air Lines 1
Denny's 1
Dine Brands 1
DISH Network 1
Dollar General ✔✔ 5
Dollar Tree 3
Dominion Energy ✔✔✔✔ 5
Douglas Emmett 1
Dow 2
DTE Energy 1
Duke Energy ✔✔ 2
East West Bancorp 1
Eastman Chemical 1
Ecolab 1
Edwards Lifesciences 1
Electronic Arts 1
Eli Lilly ✔✔✔ 4
Entergy 2
Etsy 1
Eversource Energy 2
Exelon 2
Expeditors International of Washington 1
Exxon Mobil ✔✔✔ ✔✔✔✔ 8
First Community Bankshares 1
Five Below 1
Flowers Foods 1
Foot Locker 1
General Dynamics 1
General Motors 1
GEO Group 1
Gilead Sciences 2
Goldman Sachs ✔✔ 4
Green Dot 1
Hanesbrands 1
Hartford Financial Services Group ✔✔ 2
Hasbro 1
HCA Healthcare ✔✔ 4
Healthpeak (was HCP) 1
Helios Technologies 1
Hershey 1
Home Depot ✔✔ 6
Honeywell International 2
Hormel Foods 1
IDACORP 1
Ingles Markets 1
Intel 2
IntercontinentalExchange 1
International Business Machines ✔✔ 2
Invesco 2
J.B. Hunt Transport Services 1
Jack in the Box 1
Johnson & Johnson ✔✔✔✔✔ 9
JPMorgan Chase ✔✔ ✔✔ ✔✔✔ 8
Kellogg 1
Kimberly-Clark 1
Kinder Morgam 1
Kraft Heinz ✔✔✔✔ 4
Kroger ✔✔✔ ✔✔✔✔ 10
Las Vegas Sands 1
Levi Strauss 2
LHC Group 1
Lockheed Martin 2
Lowe's ✔✔ ✔✔ 5
Lyft 1
Macy's 1
Marathon Oil ✔✔ 2
Marathon Petroleu ✔✔ 2
Marriott International 1
Martin Marietta 1
Mastercard 1
Match Group 1
Maximus 1
McDonald's ✔✔ 3
Merck 2
Meta Platforms (was Facebook) ✔✔ ✔✔ ✔✔✔✔ ✔✔ 11
MGE Energy 1
Middleby 1
Moderna ✔✔ 2
Mondelez International 1
Monster Beverage 2
Moody's 1
Morgan Stanley 2
Netflix 2
Newell Brands 1
NextEra Energy 3
NiSource 1
Northrop Grumman 1
Norwegian Cruise Line Holdings 1
NRG Energy 1
Nvidia 2
O'Reilly Automotive 1
Occidental Petroleum 1
ODP 1
Old Dominion Freight Line 1
Oracle 1
Ormat Technologies 1
PayPal ✔✔ 3
PepsiCo 3
PetMed Express 1
Pfizer ✔✔ ✔✔✔✔ 8
Philip Morris International 1
Phillips 66 ✔✔ 2
PNC Financial Services Group 1
Post Holdings 1
PPG Industries 2
PPL Corporation 1
Progressive 1
ProLogis 1
Proto Labs 1
Quanta Services 1
Range Resources 1
Repligen 1
Republic Services 1
Roper Technologies 1
Ross Stores 2
Royal Caribbean Cruises 1
S&P Global 1
Salesforce.com ✔✔ 4
SBA Communications 1
SEI Investments 1
Sempra Energy 1
Silgan Holdings 1
Skechers U.S.A 1
Southern 2
Standard Motor Products 1
Starbucks 2
State Street 1
Stericycle 1
Sturm, Ruger 1
SVB Financial Group 1
Take-Two Interactive Software 1
Target ✔✔✔ 4
Tesla 2
Texas Instruments 1
Timken 1
TJ 4
Tractor Supply 2
Travelers ✔✔ ✔✔ 5
Truist Financial 1
Twitter 3
Tyson Foods 2
Uber Technologies ✔✔ 3
Ulta Beauty 1
Union Pacific 2
United Airlines Holdings 1
United Parcel Service ✔✔ ✔✔ 5
UnitedHealth Group ✔✔ 3
Urban Outfitters 1
US Foods Holding 1
Valero Energy ✔✔ 3
Veeva Systems 1
Verisign 1
Verizon Communications ✔✔ 4
Vicor 1
Visa 1
Vulcan Materials 1
Walgreens Boots Alliance 3
Walmart ✔✔ 4
Walt Disney ✔✔ ✔✔✔✔✔ 8
Waste Management 1
Waters 1
Wells Fargo ✔✔ ✔✔ 6
Wendy's 1
Williams-Sonoma 1
XPO Logistics 2
Yelp 1
Yum Brands 1
Zillow Group 1
Zoom Video Communications 1